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POLITICS" 

FOR 

AMERICAN FARMERS; 

BEING 

A SERIES OF TRACTS, 

EXHIBITING THE 

BLESSINGS OF FREE GOVERNMENT, 

AS IT IS 

ADMINISTERED IN THE UNITED STATES, 

COMPARED WITH 

THE BOASTED STUPENDOUS FABRIC 

OF 

British Monarchy. 



ORIGINALLY WRITTEN FOR, AND PUBLISHED IN, 
THE AURORA OF PHILADELPHIA, 

IN THE BEGINNING OF 1 80r. 



WASHINGTON CITY: ^' - - P*^ 

PRINTED BY R. C. WEIGHTMAN. 
FOR W. DUANE, PHILADELPHIA. 



POLITICS FOR FARMERS, 



No. I. 



You hear every day of men crying out for war — for navies — for 
extravagant expenditures of money — for alliances with one power, 
and for hostility against another power — and it is difficult some- 
times to account for these strange fantasies. 

There ai*e certain truths, however, which the humblest man in 
point of information in the whole country can discover, and there 
are certain plain infe.ences to be drawn from the obvious facts, 
upon which no tv»'o men can honestly differ. 

JVb 7na7i tvill deny that peace and the security and happiness which 
it produces in a free government is the most desirable state of 
human society : no man will deny, that America owes to her 
pacific policy, that prosperity which has rendered her the envy of 
the world, and to which the unfortunate of the old world look for 
a safe refuge : no ?na7i tvill deny, that a pacific policy is that of all 
others inculcated by religion, and that nothing can be so foi'eign 
and destructive of religion and virtue as war and its concommit- 
ants. 

A nation then must be opposed by some overwhelming neces- 
sity, soiTie irresistible evil not to be avoided or guarded against, 
if it can be at all justifiable in deviating from the principles which 
ensure happiness — which are the causes of prosperity— which are 
the fundamental principles of religion. 

Nothing but the obvious imminent danger of this happiness, and 
all the coincident blessings, can at any time justify a deviation 
from the system which produces so much good. 

These, tve refieat it, are truths ivhich no man can deny» 

Yet how are we to account for it, that every day you hear men 
crying out for war — for military navies— for armies — for extrava- 
gant establishments and expenditures — all incompatible >vith our 
policy, our peace, and our morals ? 

Why is it that men who affect to be the most violent sticklers 
for religion, are also the most vociferous declaimers for this anti- 
religious policy ? 

Can any man say, that there is either piety, rharitv, virtue, or 
religion in such conduct? 

1 



But then people are at a loss to account ibr it — no doubt ; men 
innocent of the world and unacquainted with the depravity which 
is produced by the lust of inordinate wealth — cannot be expected 
to account for contradictions so gross and preposterous among 
rational and free minds. 

But if the plain man will look a little into facts, as they arc 
plainly laid before him, he will no longer be at a loss to account 
for such extraordinary proofs of human folly and vice. 

The United States are aRected not by any evil cause originating 
■within themselves, but by external causes acting on the people. 

The nations of Europe have in a manner realized the fable of 
the Salamander^ — they have lived in Jire for several centuries; no 
sooner had one corner cooled, but the fire of war broke out in 
some other ; and tins has been their miserable fate for ages. 

A system of government like ours has never before existed. At 
no period of time has there been a government before our own, in. 
■which the interests or the wishes of those who are affected most 
by war had the least influence or effect. 

The warlike cries, and the rage for mad systems, do not proceed 
from the people of the United States, from those whose interests and 
wishes are inseparable from peace and virtue ; those ravings pro- 
ceed from external impressions, and disease produced by those im- 
pressions here ; and the causes are various. 

Foreign governments, whose institutions and interests are dis- 
similar froni ours — eyivy us, and endeavor to disturb cur repose. 

Nations whose policy is a combination of commei'cial monopoly 
and war, to maintain that monopoly, look upon the United States 
as other sects look upon the Quakers — w'lXh jealousy — because our 
Quaker policy exempts us from all the variety of evils to which 
the savage and unchristian policy of war exposes them. 

Our policy, so salutary for our own people, like all human things, 
admits of an alloy, it tempts numbers from those foreign govern- 
ments to come hither merely for a temporary term — to profit by 
our policy, and being enriched, to go away ; these persons spread 
through our sea ports, with the various propensities and habits of 
their own nations, and contaminate many of our own citizens. 

Many of our citizens educated in the prejudices of the govern- 
n^ent which ruled us as colonies, still retain their early attachments 
and prejudices, and even the most pacific sect exhibits too many 
examples of the blindness of prejudice which can maintain a reli- 
gious and a political sentiment at variance, and destructive one of 
the other. 

A disposition is evident in many to be discontented with a calm 
and tranquil prosperity ; and a solicitude in others to bow down, 
and rise upon, the necks of their fellow citizen.^., over whom they 
fancy they possess either greater talents or greater riches, which 
conveys to them a more important idea than talents, genius, or 
virtue. 

Many persons educated after the prejudices and habits of fo- 
reign countries, and hostile to the simplicity and equality of a free 
state, become speculators in commerce, and repay their commer- 
cial credits by infidelity to their country. 



These various classes of men, wrought upon by foreign agents 
and emissaries — several in the receipt of stipends from foreign 
governments; — numerous presses indirectly bribed and kept in 
pay by mercantile and consular favor for the purpose of influencing 
our people, and forming interests, either to retard the growth of 
our own nation to maturity, or to create interests or alliances with 
foreign governments. 

It is from these viunous, and other subordinate sources, that we 
hear the cry for war — naval establishments — and extravagant sys- 
tems. 

The peaceable citizen, content with the blessings of liberty, and 
with that security which a wise and providential policy has pre- 
served for us, is never heard vociferating for war— it is not from 
the friends of civil liberty and equal rights — :it is not from those 
who would be foremost in the fight, and bear all the brunt of battle 
with generous and noble ardor ; it is not from such men that these 
ranting and ludicrous sallies issue. 

You hear them from men desperate in their fortunes or their 
hopes — and the moment you find an adventurer or speculator on 
the verge of bankruptcy, or deprived of the wages of idleness ; 
whether it is the gambler at hazard, or the rash hazard of illegal 
commerce ; for despair drives this unfortunate and desperate de- 
scription of men to deeper calculations, and like the abandoned Ca- 
iiline or the profligate Arnold — they turn their backs upon virtue, 
lay claim to honor while playing the knave, and end with be- 
''oming a sore on society and a disgrace to human nature. 



No. II. 

HAVING pointed out, in the preceding number, the sources 
from which all the evil and the disgrace, the disquietude and the 
turbulence, the servility to foreign nations, and the asperity to our 
own, proceeds ; its causes, and its purposes ; we shall now descend 
to a more especial and distinct application of the general princi- 
ples. 

If we have any thing to complain of for which we cannot obtain 
redress or restitution by negociation from any foreign nation — we 
have m.eans within ourselves that are precious, and the most eff'ec- 
tive of all the ends for which civil society is instituted, that is, the 
firomotion of the hap/iiness of the ivhole^ or of the greater number. No 
man is so well able to know the blessings of freedom such as we 
enjoy, as the farmer. 

The farmers, and those who acquire support from labor, compose 
seventetntwentieths of our population — the will of the majority 
being the aouercign power^ that policy which secures the happiness 
of that majority, must prevail — every other interest must be but 
subordinate to the promotion and security of that happiness. 



But it is a fraction of the population, nay, a decimal part of 
that fraction, which is clamorous for war and extravagance, and 
which encourages foreign influence and vilification of our govern- 
ment; it is the minoritij attempting to usurp the power of the ma- 
jority, and to sacrifice the 17 parts to perhaps u tenth of the re- 
maining three parts — take it this way: 

The farming and industriou;-; part, or 17-20ths, is 5,100,000 

The mercantile part, 3-20ths, - '- - 900,000 

5,000,000 

Of the 900,000, perhaps there is not more than a fiftieth that 
is not as sincerely attached to the United States' prosperity as the 
great majority ; but it is the miserable fraction, of perhaps three or 
six thousand persons that disturb the nation, and encourage the 
intrigues and seek to provoke the hostility of foreign nations. 

The happiness of the nation then is its policy, not the wishes 
of a vicious fraction of the population. 

To us the choice between an internal war and a total cessation 
of intercourse with any nation, would not occupy a moment's de- 
liberation with any man of sense. 

Neither will the majority of the iieotile^ who are the sovereigns 
of this ocuntry^ ever consider upon a choice between the limitation 
of commerce and the preservation of peace and liberty and indepen- 
dence, if the question should arise. 

At this time therefore, when the agents of a foreign nation are 
more virulent against our government in proportion to the despair 
excited by the disasters that have befallen Europe ; when as if 
envious of our prosperity, angry that we have not shared the com- 
mon fate of all these nations which conspired against the indepen- 
dence of another — when neither the frustration of corruption here 
nor humiliation in the other hemisphere has taught the infatuated 
adherents of England, even ordinary discretion — when the common 
observance of that gracious prudence, which renders even adver- 
sity and disappointment, entitled to commisseration — when no 
considerations can secure for our government or our policy, an 
exemption from the opprobrium of presses either directly hired^ or 
indirectly patronized and enriched for their hostility to our govern- 
ment and our political interests — when they effect to hold out 
terms of accommodation to our ministers in Europe, and are fo- 
menting and upholding conspiracy in the bosom of our land ; the 
yeomanry of the country, who though they make no noise^ must 
make and give the law, when their I'o/ces are required ; it is incum- 
bent on them — and the press to inform tlicm^ and to guard them 
against insidious and against open assailants. 

These papers are intended for this purpose — to lay bare the 
roots of disaffection, and to designate the only policy — and the only 
rule of judgment which apply to our institutions and our national 
situation. 

This must not be lost sight of — we have no differences nor com- 
plaints to make against any European nation, but Spain and Great 
Britain, The bribery of our citizens by Spain, has been demon- 



strated in Kentucky, in the persons oi judges on the seat of jiufi- ,-, 
and senators in the senate. Our territorial disputes are i'.; the 
hands of our government; and the intrigueing incendiary V,///i, 
who may be considered as the instrument of i)Jl the conspii-acics 
against the United States for years past, has been banished from 
all intercourse with our government, and deservedly disgraced in 
the eyey of our country. 

With France we have no quarrel nor cause of complaint, imless 
such as is founded on the interruptions of a trade curried on illi- 
citly to a revolted colony, in defiance of the law of nations and of 
our own laws. 

With England we have had disputes with little intermission 
from the peace of 1783: — and although specious promises were 
held out to our ministers at London, in consequence of the nnn- 
inifiortation law, we cannot conclude upon any certainty of a suc- 
cessful issue to the negociation, unless the fate of the continent 
and the defeat of Burr's conspiracy, by ttacliinf^- England thai 
she is vulnerable, and that her intrigues are eternally baifled, in- 
duces her to act at length with justice towards the only nation in 
the world which is not from necessity now in hostility against her. 

The Spanish intrigues have been over acted, and exploded — the 
Spanish calumniator is completely dubbed, he pended his infamous 
labors. 

The British alone and their emissaries continue to asperse oui 
government — and from theni alone is there any injury or danger 
to be apprehended. 

Did not the undeviating conduct of Britain, for fifteen years, de- 
monstrate her determination to destroy the happiness of the U. 
States, the assertion of her second Cobbett, Culien of New York, 
would be a convincing proof of it — we cannot lose sight of it. — - 
That man has openly avowed, that had it not been for the battle 
of Austerlitz Britain intended to have commenced hostility against 
this country — or rather in the mild language of Bintish hypocricy, 
,*' bold and resolute in the alliance of Austria^ Russia and Prussia, she 
»' ivas ado/itini; towards the United States, frinci/des unknotvn in the 
" laiv of nations.'" — Strip this paragraph from the canting of Bri- 
tish pomposity, and the plain English is — Britain intended to com- 
mence " vjar in disguise'" — and the pamphlet of that name Avas the 
manifesto of stupendous piracy and tyranny. 

The battle of Austerlitz prevented the principles of that mani- 
festo from being acted upon — but we will go back, and endeavor 
to state the matter in as clear a manner as practicable. 

We believe there is not an American who really thinks, leaving 
even the morality out of sight, that ivar would be advantageous to 
the United States, even with any nation. 

Peace is the interest of the farmer — and of the reasonable mer- 
chant also. 

The language of the tories and British agents for fifteen years 
past, has been — gu to ii>ar. 

Why do they say so ? 

War, they know, would be embarrassing — it m.ight lead to the 



1 uin of our liberties — for that reason, they urge on war, even with 
any nation. 

Do the British take our ships — go to war with Britain. 

Do the French take our ships— ^tfo to war with France, 

Do the Spaniards obstruct our navigation — go to war with S/iaini 

Go to war with the Barbary states. 

Go to war with the whole world. 

"When you take our merchants individually, their advice is so 
various, but comprehensive, that the United States would be at war 
Avith all the world if it were to be pursued — some one or the other 
has some fancied cause of aggression — some one or other would 
tilt it with the whole universe. 

But from what cause do a great proportion of those complaints, 
even against Britain for the capture of vessels on the high seas, 
originate ? 

Does it exist in the actual natural trade of the produce of the 
United States ? Ab .' 

Are vessels laden with flour, or pork, or corn, or beef, seized? 
—No! 

Does Britain take vessels laden with cotton, or tobacco, or lum- 
ber ? — No ! 

How many merchants are there whose cargoes to Europe con- 
sist of co^le, of sugar, of the productions of other nations, thai 
escape safe, and whose /lajiei's are regular ? 

Whose are those vessels which are chiefly taken ? 

Why in perhaps six out of ten cases, those who carry false pa~ 
pers. 

Mere adventurers, who come here like birds of passage during 
the commercial heat of war — chiefly Briti.s/i, and French, and Scotch 
speculators — who bring no affection, leave behind no gratitude, 
und cany away wcuUIi, ibr which they repay our country with re- 
pi'oaches and sh'nder. 

Ask at our coil'ee houses, ask at our insurance oflices. 

If a merchant pays from 20 to 40 per cent, for the insura72ce of 
his risque, if an insurance officer accepts it, do not those men, in the 
very enormity of ihe premium, acknowledge a contraband trade ? 

If ever the fair trade of America was sacrificed, it was when by 
an ignominious treaty, Britain was suffered to capture American 
vessels, bound to France \\\\.\\ firovisions, for the French market. 

The charge brought against the democracy is, that they are ene- 
vncs to commerce. — The democracy unanimously raised their voice 
against that odious sacriiice of our own rights and shameful aban- 
donment of I he law of nations. 

The democracy, then, arc the firm friends of all /«/r commerce. 

That commerce we will advocatf;, against every nation that dares 
to violate it. 

Agriculture and commerce we hold to be inscfiarable. 

But let us separate good from evil — let us set the fair trade on 
its right foundation ; let us not involve it with the rash speculations 
of every adventurer who may be cast on our shores. 

If we light a good Christmas fire on our hearths, to warm our- 



selves and friends ; does it therefore {ollo^Y that we should set our 
houses on fire f 

Wine and whiskey are good in their places, to cheer the « dul' 
Pursuits of civil life," to gladden the heait of a friend ; but if we 
intoxicate ourselves with it—is this the use, is this the way to make 
us comfortable r ^ 

Just so with commerce, keep it within its proper legitimate 
bounds; in the fair commerce of the productions of the American 
sotl,_ or even the fair foreign commerce of our merchants, and no 
nation on earth will have a pretext to molest us. 

Why are not the ships from China plundered by foreign cruisers? 
Why, because there is no deception, the trade is fair. 
And will American farmers ever consent to go to war, or to 
build navies, or to erect fortifications, at the call of those British 
adventurers ? 

Certainly not— in the productions of their farms, in their /lor/r, 
beef lumotr, cotton, and tobacco, they will never meet but with a 
comparatively trifling interruption, always inseparable from trad- 
ing with the powers at war, of whatever nation. 

A great part of the vessels captured, even by the British, are such 
as ne-ver entered the American ports, and from which the United 
Mates have not derived one cent of revenue. 

And many of those who touch in ports of the United States, 
and enter their cargoes at the custom house, have the drawbacks 
allowed. But a small proportion of revenue is then derived from 
those— not worth the risque, and trouble, and expense, the eo- 
Ternment are involved in on their account. 

Then why this bawling for a navy and extravagant fortifications ' 
Why, to answer the purposes of the government of Britain 
^\x\. federalists and Americans join in the demand. 
Agreed— But if, for mere political convenience, they do give in 
to this silly clamor— is it therefore the more wise or necessary ?— 
Witness Louisiana, ' 

Previous to the fair purchase of that country, and which in the 
hands of Spain, its lawful owners, Wx^ federalists dulv appreciated 
Its value to the western states ; they declared it wa^ worth a wav 
and all its consequences, of 20,000 lives, 100,000,000 dollars All 
this was advocated by the boldest and most eloquent federal orators • 
kl^vaTue '°"^ '^ ''""'^^ publishing a forged pamphlet to Certify 
But the moment the present administration purchased it for 
1 5,000,000, then that country was not of any importance, it was a 
avish expenditure of money ; and had the democrats been duped 
by clamor in this case, would it have altered the real merits of the 
purchase ? 

Just so with a navy and fortifications. Were congress to pay 
much attention to the New York petition, or to entcn- into their 
views, half the persons who have signed that petition for fortifica- 
taons and a nuvy, as m the Louisiana purchase, would be the first 
to upbraid congress and the administration with the expense - 
and the injudicious application of the money to dead stone walls' 



And will congress not profit by this experience i 

Who are many of the men who bawl the loudest for those mea- 
sures ? Which are the prints which advocate them ? 

Why British and torics^ many of whom would return to their 
native soil, was the United States at war — men who ai'e endeavor- 
ing to set the house in flames, would be the first to run from the 
fire, and would rather aid the plunder than the extinguishment of 
the conflagration. 

Will our farmers submit to their money being wasted for those 
spies and emissaries. 

For the dut and Jirojier fortification of all om* sea ports, where 
they are actually exposed to danger, we are equal advocates with 
any person — but no farther — we do not Avish to see realized the 
romantic schemes of a duke of Richmond on this side of the water. 

It has been the aim of the British government, and her consuls, 
to engage this nation in war with France — they have been hitherto 
defeated. 

Britain^ resolute and strong in the alliance of Austria, Prussia, and 
Russia, had it not been for the battle of Austerlitz, intended war 
against us. 

Resolute in the alliance of Prussia and Russia, she would again 
have attempted it. 

But the battle of Jena — has dissipated all those hopes. 

And Britain will and 77iust now sign a treaty with America, or 
lose our commerce. 

A treaty which will be acknoivlcgement of her crijnes — but an 
acknowlegement without contrition, and extracted only from her 
necessities, which she would be ready to violate the next hour, if in 
her power. America has now nothing to fear from Britain. 



No. III. 

A Mx\N who would say, I will raise a thousand bushels of coni 
on one acre of land, would be deemed mad ; yet those who are the 
brawlers for a naval establishment, are not more preposterous in 
their pi'ojects or pretensions. 

We have a tl^pusand times shewn, that a naval establishment 
is incompatible, and impracticable in our national circumstances ; 
— and that even if it were practicable to form and fit ovit and sup- 
port such an establishment, that it would after all, be wiser to 
have no military naval establishment whatever. 

The readers of the Aurora, may perhaps recollect a series of 
essays published last year, under the title of the Sovereignty^ of 

the Ocean We undertook the discussion of that subject, which 

cost us much labor and application, merely to shew the futility of 
the supposed advantages derived from the sovereignty of the oceav 



that a auperior naval establishment has always been productive oi 
greater evils than advantages, to every nation that has possessed 
a naval superiority ; and that the only advantages derived irom 
such a force, was the enrichment or agrandisement of a fenv per- 
sons of the nation^ at the expense of the liberty, virtue, happiness, 
and security, of all the rest of the nation. 

Another view we had in that discussion, was to shew, that the 
affected alarms set afloat by the connivance of English emissaries, 
of danger to be apprehended from France, was so far from being 
real, that the very necessity which was imposed ou France, by the 
conduct of the infatuated powers of Europe, of keeping them in 
subjection, would render it equally necessary to keep the whole 
force of that nation to watch them, and to suppress promptly, any 
new coalitions that might arise. Much of our anticipations on this 
topic, have been already fulfilled ; and as we then shewed, the po- 
licy which concentrates all the force of France, will also keep 
that force contiguous and disposable ; and for that reason the accu- 
mulation of shifis, the augmentation of commerce, and the establish- 
ment of colonies will be not remote, but contiguous. These were 
our views in that discussion, time has strengthened them. 

A military naval force has been productive only of disaster to 
France, Holland, and Spain, for the last century ; and what has it 
produced for England ? Let its debts, its poor-houses, its prisons, 
and its declension from civil liberty, declare it. But she has 
conquered Asia — and for whom ? For the people of Asia's happi- 
ness ? Read Burke's speeches on Hastings, in which, with all his 
capacity for high colouring, he has fallen far short of the picture 
of misery procuced by English conquests in Asia. The English 
company after ravaging all Asia, is in debt 175,000,000 of dollars! 
Was the conquest for the good of the people of England ? No, 
the people of England have retrograded from liberty and comfort 
almost in the same proportion as the monopolists of Asia have 
been aggrandized. 

Her national debt is 3,000,000,000, three thousand million of 
dollars ! 

These then are the effects of a naval superiority, and a compe- 
tition for naval glory. In the annals of naval achievement, nothing 
can be more awfully splendid, and horribly brilliant^ than the bat- 
tles of Trafalgar and the Nile. But what have they accomplished ? 
— The battle of Aboukir only transferred Egypt to Turkish bar- 
barism, or Mamaluke anarchy, and Trafalgar lost its object — it 
has not saved Naples^ nor yet secured Sicily ; it has not prevented 
the conquest of the whole European continent ; it has not kept a 
ft)ot of land or an accessible port for England on the whole coast 
from the Cape of Otranto to the Cattegat. 

Yet ideots — for none but knaves or ideots can talk of our estab- 
lishing a navy to contend with either the victor or the vanquished 
— competitors for the sovereignty of the ocean. A military naval 
power can be of no other use than for defence on the high seas ; we 
have not the means to build a navy for this purpose ; defence on our 
coasts and harbors, is the only eligible or even justifiable system 



It) ^ 

that we can adopt. But a martial navy lor the high seas, is the 
most extravagant notion that can be conceived, because physical 
imjiosftibility meets it on the threshold. 

A. navy for the ocean must be at least equal to the navy which 
commits the aggiession. — This brings the question then to the sim- 
pie point — Can we build and support such a navy ? This is a ques- 
tion ol" simple arithmetic. To see this in its simplest light, we have 
only to state our actual revenue, and let us suppose as a necessary 
consequence that our revenue would be double to maintain a navy. 
(.}ur whole gross revenue, let us suppose to be exclusively ap- 
plied to the naval establishment ; and that the 50,000,000, of re- 
volutionary debt is all paid off — 

Say our present revenue, - - 15,000,000 

Add new internal taxes to support a navy, 15,000,000 

g 30,000,000 

This would surely be an ample allowance, comparing the pre- 
sent state of ovir country with such a contingency. What would 
a navy cost to build? What annually to support it. The sum re- 
quired to l>uild we shall not confound our readers by noting — if 
they choose to multiply the number of ships by the cost of the fri- 
gate United States, built in this port, the average amount will 
be about one half the first expense. 

But the subsistence of a navy, what would it cost, supposing 
the fleet had suddenly sprung up ; or that the British government, 
instead of using them to transport their monarch and regalia to 
Bengal, had made us a present of the whole ? 

A judicious and dispassionate pamphlet lately published on this 
subject (we presume a production of Mr. Tench Coxe) furnishes 
data ready prepared, but over cautiously put down ; in that pam- 
phlet the average annual expence is, however, set down wtav tiventij 
millions of dollars short of the real expense ; yet it states the average 
at 70,000,000 of dollars a year. Deduct your 30 millions even 
from this, and you would have still 40,000,000 more to provide for. 
Your acre of land, citizens of America, could not theh produce 
you a thousand bushels of corn; and you must be content to take 
your land and cultivate it Avith care, and be satisfied with what it 
will really produce, though it were only from 10 to 35. 

But there is another circumstance — where would the men come 
from? Great Britain, although she has Ireland and Scotland to 
drain from by impressment, is forced to seize and make slaves of 
3000 of our citizens ; and the Danes, Swedes, Italians, Lubeckers, 
Hamburgers and Dutch seamen, are allowed to compose a full 
third of the seamen who navigate and fight' her ships of war. - 

Are yoM, farmers, ready to send your sons on board the destruc- 
tive den of disease, cri7nes, immorality, and /luman dcba.sc}ncnt, called 
a man of war? Ol God forbid! — remote be that day when na- 
tional infatuation, or corruption, or debasement, shall tear our yeo- 
men from the plough to carry murder and desolation on the ocean 

murder for sordid gain — a country before us blessed by nature 

with all that can be required by virtuous man, and to invite the love 
of peace, and the blessings of which peace, liberty, and justice is 
capable of conferring on a man. 



J. I 



No. IV. 

NEXT to a due knowlege and consideration of your oun 
internal concerns— the good you possess, the necessity ol' watch- 
ing that good in order to preserve it, and to perceiving the absur- 
dity of those who would lead you into measures that are utterly 
impossible of accomplishment, only to undermine vour government 
—the accm-ate knowlege of the imfiulses Avhich 'move those who 
treat you thus insidiously — is most important. 

It is a fashionable reply of the ageyits, emissaries and adherents, 
of that nation, which has almost incessantly insulted, oppressed, or 
plundered us on the seas, or corrupted our citizens and owr Jircs.-jes 
on shore— it is X\\&fashionable^\\^ is the only argument they use in 
reply to all the facts— th^ clanming and ever recurring facts we pub- 
lish—' The Aurora is in the French Jiay—the Aurora is the incessant 
' eulogist and panegyrist of Bonaparte.^ 

Why this mode oi argument proves nothing — nay it proves that 
nothing can be said in refutation of what we say ; and by admitting 
that nothing can be said in refutation of what we say, at once 
shews the motive for such argument I 

We should scorn to notice such subterfuge, did it not afford us 
an opportunity to place facts in a new and stronger point of lio-ht. 
We say that English emissaries are employed and paid for their 
services m the United States. 

To this they reply, there are French emissaries in the same si- 
tuation and for similar purposes. 

How is the matter to be decided ? Is it true of one, or both ? Thesfe 
questions are easily decided by facts. 

The intention of emissaries, as far as we have ever heard, has 
been always either to guard the foreign nation fron- injury, or to 
injure the nation where they are stationed— - By their deeds then 
you shall know them.' 

We have never heard of a foreign nation employing emissaries 
to sustain a government, or to support its measures— or to vindi- 
cate Its rights. We have rarely heard of a government reared up 
upon the ruin of democracy, paying agents to maintain a democra- 
cy in another country— nay, when those who effect to denounce 
this employment of French emissaries come here for no other pur- 
pose in the world than to destroy democracy. 

Take it in another view ; let us suppose that there is French 
gold employed as Lnglish gold was employed by Liston, on de- 
mocratic Porcu/iines and Carpenters ^x\c\ ParAv.v ;_if these formi- 
dable emissaries only support the government-if thev endeavor 
to inculcate principles of civil liberty, of virtue, of general justice, 
of the liberty of the press-it must then be admitted that there is 
no CMmity m^tnis conduct ; if a foreign government pavs persons 
.n America, tor vinuicating the cause of peace, virtue and the prin- 
ciples of the revolution, it must at last be taken as proot oi the 
alsehood of those who declare tlie hostile designs of that power; 
there is at least a greater degree oUiberality in this 7nilitary chief 



12 

thau there is to be found in the acts and deeds of the emissaries 
on the other side — for it is worthy of remark, that the only strenu- 
ous and consistent democrats who support the principles of the 
declaration of indejieyidcnce, are said to be in French pay, while those 
who say so, oppose the declaration of independence, damn demo- 
cracy, and execrate the author of the declaration of independence, 
Avho they say is likewise a -violent jacobin^ and have a thousand 
times over accused of being in French pay also. 

Either of these two positions must be false, either there are no 
French emissaries, since there are no papers which uphold French 
policy in opposition to American policy. 

Or if there is, France acts as a friend and not an enemy. 

We have given these frievdly emissaries a fair trial.~-\et us sec 
what we can say of our English ^^ /leo/ile's friends." 

Under every administration of England, the agents and adhe- 
rents of that country have openly and unreservedly avowed hostility 
to on\- princi/'les and /or/n of government. 

Under an administration partial to that country, they sought to 
involve us in a desperate association with the combined powers of 
Europe. 

They sought when that failed to involve us in a war with Spain. 

Frustrated in that and in the efforts of their emissaries to pi'o- 
duce civil war, (it was Porcupine, who merited a statue of gold, 
that first preached up the memorable badge of proscription, the 
black cockade) they labored to bring about a severation of the 
union. 

Upon a change of public functionaries, greatly accelerated by 
the detection oixh^ British intrigues ; after using every effort to in- 
fluence our presidential election, Liston slunk off — but the agents 
and emissaries continued to revile and asperse our free govern- 
ment, and to exercise an influence in our elections. 

On all elections, tlie papers under English influence — the agents 
of England — those who depend upon the agents for mercantile fa- 
vor — are all uniformly hostile to popular government and to those 
who advocate the administration upon the principles of the re\-o- 
lution. 

These Tssa facts palpable and indisputable — they defy controver- 
sion — and speak more than volumes of general argument. 

Let us go even into circumstances more particular — we do not 
wish without necessity to use the name of any individual who is 
not an obvious ivriter oy publisher, in vilification of American insti- 
tutions, policy, and the existing adnninistration ; we do not mean 
to degrade men who are infatuated or blinded by early prejudices, 
or whose families perhaps, depend on English credits— we mean 
not to hang their effigies in the same gibbet with Porcupine and 
Cullen. 

But we will ask — is it not a fact, if an Englishman emigrates 
to this country with principles congenial to the American revolu- 
tion, that if on his arrival he avows he is a friend of representative 
government; if his ideas are in unison with the first settlers of 
♦his country — he is immediately shunned, and branded with the 



13 

i>ame o( jacobin by the principal part of the merchants here? Is 
not this a melancholy and a damning fact? 

But if an Englishman arrives and naturalizes hims-elf — five imll 
not call it iierjuring himself-,) if he damns republican government 
and the administration of it in this country, which he has most so- 
lemnly in the name of God adopted — if he will cry up the blessings 
of monarchy in opposition to democracy, the virtues of George III. 
all of which he has abjured, and libel Thomas Jefferson whom he 
never saw— that with such Englishmen, will our federal merchants 
associate — bestow on them favor and applause! 

It is true that many of them, and the insurance offices also 
have paid dear for this folly — cases need not be mentioned — we 
know and could najne them, snug as they think they are — but they 
are registered without abating the folly I 

In no other country in the world would merchants be so infa- 
tuated as to hold their coffee house, their exchange, their irisurance 
offices, under the unwearied vigilance of notorious British spies — of 
men avowedly such — jdanted in our cities for the express fiurpose of 
spies — men whose business it is to wriggle into the conversation of 
every knot of merchants assembled — to be always on the watch for 
their discourse — to find out the destination of their ships, their 
cargoes, and illicit adventures — to find out the policies made — in- 
deed to be acquainted with every transaction on which British 
cruizers can or cannot justify capture — those discoveries are mi- 
nutely noted down — they are daily reported to their employers — 
and expresses have been regularly forwarded to Halifax-^to the 
West India islands, to the cruizers blockading our ports, from such 
channels — by such information and thus acquired is it that our 
"merchants and insurance offices meet many of their losses. 

Are such men to be pitied — will our farmers go to war, or build 
navies for such ideots ? 

These are the miserable creatures who exclaim against the ex- 
position of historical facts — the anticipation of events from a con- 
sideration of the sagacity and genius of one man, and the stupidity 
and folly of others — this they call eulogy ! 

Yet it is such men chiefly who bawl for fortifications and a navy 
— and who themselves, the adherents of Miranda, of Britai?i, of 
Burr, roar out against those who guard the country against them. 

Who sent for the British frigates from Halifax, when the French 
were there ? What was the employ of the British after their ar- 
rival ? — Capturing Americayi vessels! 

Will our farmers expend their property for such men ? 

As the last resource of Britain and her emissaries, every attempt 
will yet be made use of in her expiring struggle, still to lead us on 
to ruin. When Burr's conspiracy is unravelled, as that of Yrujo 
and Corondolet's has been, and as Liston's was, what will the emis- 
saries say ? 

Lucifer like, they wished to involve the wkole world in her de- 
struction. And every government that has but listened to hei- 
wiles has been destroyed. 

The recapitulation b needless. 



14 

It is for that reason that in the New York memorial, they haye 
intimated at this time an attack on France. 

France never nvill view that attack but as the effusion of British 
spies. 

The British papers at New York avow their determination, they 
are beating the drmn for enlisting the oft'scum of America — and 
they openly threaten to erect the British standard. 

And are they such fools as to believe, that any but men like 
themselves would erect such an ensign of disaster — to pass the 
seas, and like Austria, like Prussia, to run into the jaws of certain 
death ? 

If Americans were too wise before they h?.d the experience of 
the 16 past yeai's, to avoid their constant theme of hostility to 
France, hoslililij jinprovoked will they now with all those dreadful 
facts staring them in the face — are they willing now to shake hands 
with this all-destroying power? 

Certainly not — the hope of those who indulge it, is biit the de- 
lusion of despair. 

Let the ageiUs of Britain muster all their strength, let us see their 
adherents support their pretensions with consistency. Why do 
they stay here where they inust be in a minority if they were to 
live for two centuries? Why do they not go and join a tiitn cru- 
sade ? it would be an advantage to the Uiriied i>tatts. 

Do those people believe that our farmers are unacquainted with 
who pays the taxes even in ?iecessarywa.rs — with who are burthen- 
ed ; or that they are ignorant of the easy mode which merchants 
have of avoiding their /troportion of taxes ? 

In case even of a necessary war, who would pay the permanent 
taxes? — -The farmer. 

Who even in Britain, pays the land tax, the poor rates, and all 
the other permanent taxes? — The farmer. 

Who would have to pay them, in the United States, in the event 
of a war? — The farmer. 

The excise laws, window and hearth tax, the land ^aa:, and a thou- 
sand others, all to be paid by the farmer. 

Whilst the British emissary would rejoice at the destruction he 
brought the deluded American into, he could transfer his stock to 
some other country, and there exultingly exclaim against the 
country he had betrayed, and roar out those are the blessings of de- 
mocracy, like the Moores and Welds, those reptiles brought to life 
in the hot beds of monarchical odure — they would go and proclaim 
abroad, that the worms in our dunghills are the most congenial 
animals they met with. 

In Britain the consequence of those eternal wars which she has 
engaged in, has been the total enslavement of her population, to 
\\\^ paper ijioney,\.\\G. mercantile, and the banking system. 

The poor unoffending farmer is only the slave imdvassal of his 
noble or ignoble landlord. 

Crushed by taxes, the once independent farmer is sent in his 
old age to the poor-house — his children are scattei'ed over the 
world to fight the mercantile battles of their despots-. 



15 

f 

Farmers of America^ such would be your fate, the moment a ma- 
joiMty of your legislators could be found fools, or corrupt enough 
to hearken to the deception of British emissaries. 

Like the yeomanry of Britain, you would sink to destruction. 

By you then it is that the United States will preserve her liberty 
— you will defend her rec/, and your real interests. 

Jgriculture and commerce in their real utility. 

But charge your representatives never to be the dupes of cum- 
brous navies or armies — nor of British influence — for either Avould 
be your destruction. 



No. V. 

YOUNG as our country is in the political world, it has fur- 
nished a world of useful experience — the /./•??; ez-s of this land, the 
simple, honest, laboring classes of men — those who are not above 
the dull fiursuits of civil life^ cannot be insensible to their blessings 
— to that pacific and frugal and honest policy, which renders equal 
justice to all men, and all societies of men— to that paciiic, fru- 
gal, and neutral policy, which leaves no room for anger, or the en- 
mity of other nations — which neither goes to excite their jealousy 
or their fears — the value of this policy we all feel, none feel it 
more than the farmers — and those whose comforts are the fruits 
of peace and industry ; none can be so much interested in the 
preservation of that policy as the farmers, for it is from X\\qiy pock- 
ets^ from the produce of their farms, that a hostile, an extravagant, 
or an actual war policy must be paid ; nay, it is the farmer and 
the man of industry, who would also have to fght as well as to pay ; 
while those who come here only for the harvest of commerce dur- 
ing the season of war, would fly to where the sunshine of peace 
would afford them security from the dangers or the expense of war. 
These are serious considerations for the farmers ; we recommend 
these far?7ie7-'s Jtolitics to the republican farmers of Vermont, as one 
of their members appears to have been bitten by one of the mad 
dogs of ivar. 

Let the farmers compare and contrast the measures, and the po- 
litics of men — let them peruse carefully, even the history of our 
early settlements — they will find useful lessons in the history of our 
own old times ; let them see wherein the measures and politics of 
the royal governors of the colonies, resemble the measures and 
politics of governors in our own times ; — see where the disposi- 
tions and the principles are similar, and ask if there can be any 
good, where there is such an agreement in tyrannic, or extrava- 
gant, or oppressive policy. 

Come lower down even to the experience we have had, since 
the federal constitution. 

V/ho have been ior extravagant and violent systems ? 

Who have been for frugal and pacific systems of policy ' 



16 

Who favot'ed the mad measures, which produced the taxes on 
lands and houses, the excises and stamps ? J^Tot the farmers — ivho 
pay every tax. 

But the rapacious broods, that live upon the extravagance and 
speculations on the misfortunes of mankind. 

Who produced the extinction of those oppressive burthens ? 

The fundamental principle on which the state of Pennsylvania 
was founded by Pemi, was peace. 

On this principle, both in theory and in practice, whilst the qua- 
kers held the administration (f its government, were its affairs 
conducted — this honor and praise is due to them — however much 
there has been a backsliding among some of its members since ; 
and in defiance of the calumnies and denunciations of the tories 
and federalists of that day, that is of the English courtiers and 
proprietory agents, did they pursue, undeviatingly, their princi- 
ples — any man, who wishes to read useful lessons, will find them 
in Dr. Fra?iklin's history of Pennsylvania. 

Unmoved by the contumelies of their adversaries, those peace- 
able people followed the commands of their grfeat, good, and illus- 
trious patron. 

They were reproached, indeed, with the names of coivards and 
of dastards — of being economists of " blood and rrcasure" nay of 
enemies to the liberties of their country ; as men who would sa- 
crifice its liberties to the power of France — these very charges 
were made, by British governors and agents. 

AH these reflections were cast on the followers and disciples of 
Penn. 

But in spite of all those charges, did this state, then a province, 
arise to a rank and equality in this new world, with their sister 
states, in a shorter time, and to a prosperity unequalled. 

To the Indian natives their fiolicy was justice — by that conduct 
they conciliated their esteem, and to this day do the aborigines of 
America express their gratitude to the quakei'S. 

Whilst the frontiers of other states were drenched in blood from 
the cruelties and invasions and injustice of " sainted fiilgrims" 
those quakers enjoyed a profound peace. 

Look to the history of many other states, look to the pi'oclama- 
tions of many governors of the " sainted Jiilgrbns^" and compare 
the account. 

Here you see no reward offered by the first founders for the 
scalps of men^ roomen and children^ fixing the price by the regulated 
gradation of age. 

Here you see no laws enacted by the " sainted pilgrims" of 
Penn, for banishing or hanging of baptists^ of protestajits, of pa- 
pists^ of quakers — or others who differed from them " in modes 
o{ faith." 

Here there was justice to the natives, and equal liberty to all 
settlers. 

The blood of Indians or of European settlers are not registered 
in the records of heaven, against the first planters of Pennsylvania. 

And to the honor «f l«rd Baltimorcy a Roman catholic, he follow- 



17 

cd the footsteps of" Penn, in his system of toleration of liberty 
of conscience — neither of these men nor their sects in flying to the 
wildernesses of America, brought with them the cruelty or in- 
tolerance of the old world — this was left for " sainted tiU'^rinn: and 
steady habits." 

Exactly what were the principles of Penn^ in respect to tlie state 
of Pennsylvania, are the principles of Jefferson^ to the whole v.orld. 

If then the illustrious founder of Pennsylvania was bi>anded 
with the character of a coivard^ for his peaceable jirincijiks^ is it any 
wonder that those who follow the path and example of Penn, 
should meet with equal calumny. 

That Penn was an enemy to icflr as hostile to every principle of 
policy, (and the state of Pennsylvania is a proof of his policy) we 
ought and do glory in. 

That such ai'e the principles of Jefferson we are proud to know 
~^and that our country is honored in the world for liis policy. 

But let the declaration of the constitution of this state, let the 
sufferings of Penn for his religious opinions, let the trial of Penn 
and Mead, at the Old Bailey, attest that he was no coward, in his; 
individual person ; there is to be seen that noble fortitude which 
constitutes real courage ; the resolute maintenance of truth, and 
the scorn to admit deceit or vice. 

" The present administration arc niggards of blood and treasure^'' 

This is the declaration of Cullen, the British spy at New York — • 
and even the " i^iinted pilgrims" say so ; it seems as if the sainted 
pilgrims had in process of time, imbibed from the blood of the In- 
dians, shed the aboriginal aptitude for bloodshed. 

And whose blood and treasure does this hireling wish to flow? 

Like Windham the British seci'etary of war, Cullen's patron, when 
the French were sent to death and massacre^ at Quiberon— " if a. 
Frenchman is killed — an enemy is decreased" — so he may say " if 
an American is killed there is a rebel less." 

So it is with the British agents; — democrats or federalists^ it is 
of no consequence to them — their only aim is to involve these 
states in war — their only aim is to lead America on to destruction. 

We have plainly pointed out in our former essays who are the 
persons that labor to involve the United States, and the adminis- 
tration, in dispute with foreign nations. 

We have plainly pointed out, who arc the persons that would have 
to pay the permanent taxes in case of a war, of a 7iavy, of fortifica- 
tions, {or the interest of mercantile speculators — in a word— 

The farmers and industrious classes — pay and fight all ! 

These are the men who are staiioyiary, who cannot budge froiifi 
their plantations and their homes, who cannot skulk into counting 
houses of ten feet square, and whilst they may be accumulating 
thousands by their foreign traffic, or by ivar contracts, are compa- 
ratively exempted from the calls of the taa; gatherer — ^and are 
never to be seen in the ranks of our militia. 

The farmers are always visible, they are not birds of passage-— 
they are not foreigners who treat mankind as a dead carcase, and 
T\'ho just fiifcli like vtiltures for prey, and then flit off". 



18 

The farmer, when the tax gatherer culls, if net at home to-day, 
is sure to be found to-morrow. 

Not like British agents who to-morrow are on the way to the 
United Kingdoms. 

On the farmers, then, would the brunt of war fall, whether by 
permanent service in case of an invasion from a foreign foe — or 
a naval Tnercayitile war by taxes. 

Such being- the case, how much does it behove the farmers of 
the United States to oppose any system which shall involve them 
in war. -» 

And esf>ecially in tvar, or a navy., ov fortifications, \.o\.?!i\\y opposite 
to their interest, and for which they have no more need than the 
people in the moon. 

The farmers will be jealous of every thing like war, more par- 
ticularly at the instigation of British s/iics, and /iresses, ambassadors, 
or ronsuls — her own example proves her unfit to advise others — 
her conduct to us proves her to be unfit to be trusted by us. 

Britain has already led te7i monarchies, besides numerous petty 
princes and states, to the loss of their independence — by her coun- 
sels — her gold and her corrujitiom. 

The means by which she accomplished their ruin were exactly 
similar to the means which she has pursued in the United States— 
but, thank God, with a different effect ; had our government not 
been an elective one — our ruin had been completed before the year 

1800 the farmers then awoke from delusion anc": saved the nation 

from wicked counsellors and English influence. 

An administrativn, playing into the hands of Britain, was, by the 
almost unanimous voice of the sovereign people, driven into ob- 
scurity — 162 to 14 — a ])roportion pretty well agreeing with the 
proportions of the fanning and foreign interests. 

,Cohbett, the supporter of that administration, fled to the haunt* 
and dens of St. Jameses. 

Driven to despair, the monarchy of George III. after enjoying- 
the savage spectacle of the ruin of all the old family thrones of Eu- 
rope, precipitated by the folly of listening to her ageJits and co7i- 
suls, beneath the just yengeance of France, will redouble her ef- 
forts at this eleventh hour, to involve these states with himself in 
destruction. 

It is for this her secret expeditions are fitted out — for this that 
she provides funds for a Burr and a Miranda — lor this she corrupts 
our presses to vilify our government. 

The British monarchy, like Satan with cur first parents, will 
deem her approaching I'uin more tolerable, so as she can, by ar>y 
means, tempt the people of the United States to follow like others, 
in her path'of destruction. 

It is for this cause, and this cause o?}ly, that we see the papers 
directly paid by Ker, and the federal fia/iers of Jmerica, copy from 
these papers, incitements to war, navies, taxes, and fortifications. 

It is for this cause, and this cause only, that Britain pays Blounts 
and Burrs, and supports our Catilines and Claudiuses to domestic 
treason, that the Indians are stirred up to war, to second the views 
©f those Cudlincf, 



19 

It is for this cff/.'sf, and this cause on/y, that many are loud for a 
?iavy, and war, and fortifications — they know that the farmers are 
not interested in these, and that by congress adopting those plans 
to the extent profioscd — the union would be dissolved. 

This is tlieir aim. 

Fanners, you whp are 17 /larts of 20 of the population of the U. 
States, you 162 to 14 — are you advocates for your own ruin,? 

You will, although there are apostates from bot/i — and who ally 
with their enemies, you will still follow the peaceable principles 
of Fenn and Jefferson. 



No. VI. 



AT the commencement of the coalition formed at Mantua 
and Piinitz against France in the year 1791, the plan of partition 
and plunder was not at first avowed ; and it v/as understood that 
Great Britain should be allowed time to work up the national tem- 
per which was then in favor of the French reforms of government ; 
Burke's famous and intamous writings were the fuel used to ex- 
cite this universal conflagration ; and very soon, by the excite- 
ment of terror and fear — addresses against levellers and republicansy 
covered the tables of the British parliament. 

These addresses made a great noise, as was intended ; their ?»/m- 
hers appalled \.\\e. farmers of England, who were adverse to war, and 
indeed adverse from interest to any concern v/ith the internal af- 
fairs of other nations — for which they could see no purpose or end, 
and the expenses of which they knew must ultimately fall upon 
themselves. 

However, kfter counting up the number oi signatures to those vo- 
luminous addresses, it was found that the whole of the advocates 
for war and destruction were less than 35,000 — out of all the popu- 
lation of Great Britain 1 — that is, out of eleven millions I 

It was this small number of 35,000, which playing into the 
hands of the placemen and pensioners of St. James's, who plunder 
the whole population of that devoted nation, that put England in 
the high road to that destruction which she now rapidly approaches. 

The clergy of the established church petitioi|^d for vjar. 

Those men feared for their tythes, the tenth part of the farincj-'s 
produce in England and Ireland is theirs — this would possibly have 
been superseded by an equitable stipend in the event of a reform. 

The insurance offices petitioned for -..nir. 

Those institutions gain ten times the profits by ivar that are 
gained by /zccce risques. 

The merchants petitioned for-wr/r. 

They hoped to monopolize the commerce of the world, and fo 
double the usual peace profits. 

The banking traders petitioned for war. 



20 

Those hoped to profit by the t^ajier monty /oan«— and by the eiu- 
ployment ot banking funds in underhand usury. 

The monied interest petitioned for tvar. 

Because they expected to receive 8 fier cent, interest. 

Every idle fellow, above the " dull pursuits of civil life" peti- 
tioned for war. 

Becuuse lie ex]x;cted to live on the sweat and the labor, and the 
iu'^lustry, and the talents of the virtuous part of the union. — Bank- 
rupts in fortune and character ; gamblers of all descriptions ; men 
of despeiate fortune and profligate life; all petitioned for war. 
Because in peace and jjrosperity they could not exist. 

Nine tcntlif< of the public papers were in the pay of the clergy^ 
the insurance oif!r':f, the bank.<^ the merchants., and monied interest.^ 

They of course obeyed the mandates of their employers and they 
petitioned for war — and they inflamed the minds of the people 
with fear and misrepresentation ; because that was rendering ho-' 
mage to the views of their patrons. 

All those men knew that the taxes and expenses of the war 
would fall net on themselves.^ but on l\\<. farmers. 

In opposition to this small., corrupt, heterogeneous, but active 
body of civilized savages,, was opposed the representations of but 
few — and of those few some were men, screened by th<iir parlia- 
mentary privileges ; for the great proportion of the population 
\vc;"e terrified into silence by ministerial libels — by the burning 
down of dissenting meeting houses, by the seizure of men upon 
artificial and fictitious accusations — by the charge of jacobiriism, 
and being the adherents of France. 

However, some were found bold enough to raise their voices 
against the reign of terror — This artificial terror. Whenever 
we have it jn our power to do justice by shewing their going deeds 
— nothing can afford us more pleasure than to speak well of the 
QUAKERS; to their immortal honor they boldly, in opposition to 
the current of war, then bearing down or paralising every virtue 
before it, without "fear or trembling" approached the ./bo? o/Me 
throne of George III. and there in spite of the frowns of courtiers, 
and the menaces of rejiewed intolei'ance, they entered their protest 
against the bloody measures. 

A truly great man, who, from his entrance into the cabinet of 
George HI. seems to have sickened at the revelation of iniquitous 
deeds, of which his station forced upon him the knowlege. 

Charles Fo.t, and those Avho sheltered themselves under his namC) 
who held the skirt of his garment (but to whom he has not left his 
mantle !) likewise advocated peace, and in that famous and pro- 
phetic speech, which he made the night before the declaration of 
hostilities against France; that great man too truly foretold, that 
the destruction of the old monarchies of Europe would be the 
consequence of their deplorable rashness and infatuation. 

But what avails the exhortations of wisdom, to a stupid or a he- 
sotted people — to a people who suffer their liberties to be destroy- 
ed, and their power and rights frittered away by executive en- 
croachment and corruption ; the court prevailed, the petitions ai 



21 

ti;e clergy, the banks, the merchants, the insuran-ce ofllces, the lazy, 
preponderated ; and to use the metaphor of a;, adhtrent^ she 
threw her " crrord into the scale" — but the eHect iias been not to 
maintain the balance — the scales themselves are destroyed. 

The charefC of jacobins^ of agents of France^ of cowards, was 
resounded from all quarters, by the deluded and appalled popula- 
tion of Britain, aeniinst the Qiiakn-ft, the dissenters, (that is the 
Calvanists, Methodists, St-C.) and the lavty of /:cace of every civil 
and religious denomination. 

The bill of ri;-;hts, so much boasted of, fell beneath the fangs of 
a profligate and unfeeling minister — tlie hal^eas corpus act was 
suspended — sedition bills and licences of th'- j':res.'^, on such J-rincijdes 
as were ad-vocatcd by AI''Kean in his late fif/eer/t, passed the British 
house of parliament — and proclamations wei'c sent fortii as lav.s, 
though Charles I. had perished on a scailbld, for that among other 
pfiences* 

It was a reign of terror indeed— dismal and gloomy ! 

Well, war they have had ; and after pursuing war for twelve 
years with every consequence that had been predicted by Fox— 
with her 700 sail of ships of war — with her 250,000 soldiers — with 
hei" battle of the Nile — the cabinet of Britain supplicated for peace 
— from that nation which it had by means unheard of in civilized 
times, sought to destroy and extinguish — to bioi oiii from the map 
of Europe as the great apostle of wickedness, Edmund Burke de- 
clared to be the purpose. 

But unfortunately for them they found too late that such was 
the corruption generated by war, such wt's the number of depend- 
ants on war, such the number of pensioners, of half pay officers, of 
exciseweJi, of the younger brayiches of the families cf the well born, who 
were by war educated in habits of vain idlenefis and luxuriou?. 
iniquity, such the influence of the insurance of ices, of the contrac- 
tors, of the money lenders, and other blood suckers — and such the 
slavery, and wretchedness, and supiness, and broken heartedness, of 
the poor miserable farmers, who with barracks erected in every 
town, were under the constant apprehension of the bayonets and 
sabres of a standing army, tiikn dare wot speak! 

A peace was indeed made — a hollow peace — for it was found 
that this heap of corruption could feed and be supported, only by 
■war. 

And war was again commenced with new horrors, and on piT- 
tences impious and confuted by the very terms employed to justify 
re-aggression — and, behold the effect; with her 700 sail of ships 
of war — with her 250,000 soldiers — with her ikn-c hinidrcd viillio^;- 
of dollars annual expenditure — witli her battle cf 'i'rafiilL'av — Britain 
as before was defeated; and that ■eorchjitv.d the EohcKjiierr,- of jhi- 
iain, Pitt, appalled and confounded v,ith the ruin he iiud brought 
on all the monarchies who had fallen into the *' embrares of the 
harlot," terrilied at the impending prostialion of his uww country 
from her once proud place in the political map of Europe — wasi 
dying of despair, when the roaring of the cannon of Austerliiz, 
hastened his haunted and ensanguined spirit — to his account. 



22 

The use of history is example — to shun what is evil, to pursue 
what is good :— how gloriously and hujijiily different is the fate of 
America and htx farmers — compared with that of England or any- 
other nation. 

We see here, as in Britain, firintcrs and others sold to the de- 
striictive influence and corruption of Britain. 

We have seen her emissaries almost trample on the necks of 
onr citizens in the highways and streets. 

Men the uniform advocates of v^ar. 

Men who like the dcscrifitiojis of these we have counted in Bri- 
Saln, are tossing in their infuriated torches, and like fiends of hell, 
fereathing slauijhter and destruction,, where they have no provoca- 
tion ; but who tieal Uji their lijis and muzzle their presses, when the 
rkven foot of the political devil of Europe is discovered, beneath 
the domino of the traitor. 

But, thank God, they are the minority — not only as they were in 
Britain, always in numbers ; but here in influence. 

IVar^ stajiding armies, navy,' fori fcatioii-i. 

YVhenev'jr these become items in our fundamental policy — 
llien, as in Britain, will ouv fanyicrs no longer bear perhaps not 
even the nnme of freemen — but, like the Cappadocians they will 
become 'tvi'ling sfavpft. 

Thefarmrr.'i of Jmerica are \7 parts of 20, of the population of 
Jlic United Sta'.es. 

The far7}7ers (f ^Imerica never will give up their right to the re- 
vs nuc of the United States, into the hands of British emissaries^ 
ei' to thvir iniquitous and perfidious clamors. 

The farmer."! (f Jmerica will always count their strength ; they 
■will not be afi'righ.ed by the miserable factions that countenance 
such emissaries* as the Cobbctts and the Cidlcns ; nor will they be 
im])osed upon by being called jarobins, or with being friends of 
peace, in common with the author of the declaration of indepen- 
dence. 

Iviajor .Tackson recommends the hanging of all Spanish spies-r- 
why and wherefore does he not make it a common proscription of 
all foreign spies and incendiaries, of whatever nation they may be, 
xv-bo conspire against the peace and liberties of this only free 
nation. 

Why are Broiiy.on, and Bcf^ and Parke, and Cullen, chopfallen r 

Farmers of America — " this silence is eloquence'' — you see in 
it the only source from wiiich real danger is to be appreliended — 
from that nation which can command, by her influence, direct or 
indirect— the plaudits or the silence of our presses. 

If then the (/iiakcrs in England, if Charles Fox, if every good 
man, who was an enemy to war, and all its horrors, were branded 
with the epithets o^ jacobins, oi atheists, of deir.ts, o^ agents in the 
pay of France — for their opposition'to a ruinous and unprovoked 
coalition — should we not be proud that the Aurora does not escape 
— that is signalised by the hatred and the rage of every ruffian 
blinded by power, by profligacy, or venality. 

The principles of the Aurora are those of Pcnn, of the quakers 



23 

oi England, of such as Charles Fox inculcated in the early stage 
of the meniorable war of the coalitions. 

All our solicitudes are peace — ^war only on the defensive. 

Let then the advocates of war rave, be they of ^yhat sect they 
may. 

Tired of war, last year on the death of Pitt, that man, Charks 
Fox, that man who was loaded with as much abuse as the presi- 
dent of the United States has been by British agents — who was 
like him, called athieat, deist, agent in the fiay of Bona/iarte, was 
called by the awakened population of Britain to take the reins <:<l 
power, to rescue the nation from the verge of destruction. 



No. VII. 

YOU are well acquainted with the transactions which have 
passed in open day ; but there are transactions which have passed 
under the concealment of perfidy, that you remain unacquainted 
with. The attempts of foreign nations to influence and direct 
your councils, Avas shewn in the case of Listen, and the attempts 
to dissever your country, in the conspiracy of Blount, Romayne, 
&c. by the same Liston. Ogden a refugee from New York ; a re- 
lative of those Ogdens who have been the participators of xhs:. 
conspiracy of Burr and the buccaneering expedition of Miranda^ 
publicly declared, and wrote, that Great Britain retained Caiiada 
only as a rod over the heads of the revolted Americans, 

You have seen many Americans professing allegiance to the U- 
States concerned in supporting the intrigues of the British ambas- 
sador — and you have seen her vmdisguised emissaries avovsinaj 
their contempt of your institutions, and sporting audacious cob- 
tumely on the character of American citzens ; while the emmisary 
is not only declared in parliament of England to be entitled to aL 
statue of gold for such conduct, but obtains a jiensiun out of the 
royal civil list sufficient upon the sale of the patent to purchase 
an ample landed estate. The American reader may judge of the 
extent of the regard bestowed upon British emissaries, by a sisi- 
gle fact. Porcupine has sent to the United States, and has obtained 
ten thousand oak plants from the American forests, to be planted 
on the estate which he has purchased out of the sale of this pen- 
sion — the plants are actually forwarded, by an eminent seedsmaa 
in this city. 

The veiy same men who patronized Porcupine are now in 
power, in England, and there are men so infatuated as to discitdk 
any idea of the British government countenancing the injuries done 
by her ships of war, and the conspu'acies carrying on in the 
western country ; while 3000 of our citizens are detained by force 
■on board her fleets, and thirty millions of American property lies 
at the discretien of lier courts of udmirulity : — and the ship Coni- 

i 



24. 

briafif in disrcf^ard ot ouv national independence, comes into our 
■waters and insults us. 

But this is not all. Can it be from motives of respect or g;ood 
will that she selects her consular agents from among a class of mea 
obnoxious to the liberties and independence of the United States. 
Against these individuals, as mere men in their domestic charac- 
ters, we have nothing to say, with their private lives or concerns, 
•we have nothing to do. — But with them as public agents, the Jiri?i- 
cijiles whicli cause the selection to be made from among the ene- 
mies of the revolution that established our independence, are public 
topics, political topics, and demand a constant political vigilance 
and reprehension. 

Whether Mr. Hamilton at Norfolk, is or is not one of this class, 
v/e are not sufficiently well informed to say. But P/iineas Bond, the 
English consul in this city, is a native of this city, a refugee, and 
an enemy of the i-evolution. 

Mr. Thomas Barclay, the English consul at New York, was at. 
tainted of treason during our revolution ; his zeal in the service of 
England, we well know. 

Mr. Andrew Allen, jun. English consul at Boston, is of the same 
class. 

A recent circumstance is connected with this subject — we see 
in the papers an account of a special privilege given to a Mr. Wil- 
liams, who is said to be of Baltimore, to trade with the revolted 
blacks in St. Domingo ; Mr. IVilliams of Baltimore ! It is said, 
that similar privileges are given to all British subjects. — We did 
not before suppose that to be of the city of Baltimore, and a Bri- 
tish subject too, was in the fair acceptation of language correct ; and 
certainly the privilege of the British king cannot give any resi* 
dent of Baltimore the right to violate our laws. 

But this is not all. We have conversed with a gentleman from 
Halifax in Nova Scotia, and he states to us in the most explicit 
manner the following information. The capture of the ship Mes- 
senger off the port of New York, about three months ago, may be 
recollected ; slie was sent to Halifax. 

It so happened, however, that the vessel belonged to a Mr. Rut- 
gers, perhaps the very gentletnan who signed the memorial abotit 
fortifications presented to congress. Mr. Rutgers, the owner i)f the 
Messenger, is the relation of Mr. Barclay ; and another Rutgers,- 
his brother, was the supercargo. This was a sa<l mistake of capt. 
Beresford, of the Cambrian. The consuls in the United States 
have, in fiict, powers co-extensive with those of the pro-consuls 
of the Roman provinces. Mr. Barclay addressed himself to Halifax 
in force, and what think you was his artillery? — why, that Mr. 
Rutgers's ship ought to be released, for he is " warmly fede- 
ral.'' 

Now, American farmers, what think you of this? Either the En- 
glish consul is acting with a full knowlege of the dispositions 
of his government, or he is not — the selection. of the man, how- 
ever, indicates an affirmative ; and Bond, who was privy to all Por- 
cupine's hostility to our government, even in the days of John 



25 

Mams, is still retained. The hostility is uniforni from that day to 
this ; and it is not an empty or imbecile hostility : for look at the 
plain and obvious import of Mr. Consul Larclay^s recommenda- 
tion. Mr. Rutgers is " marmly fedn-al" — what is meant by this? 
Why, the obvious meaning of this phrase is, that he is a nvarm ofi- 
fioser of the measures and policy of the government of the United 
States. Is the fact so or not? The facts agree — Mr. Rutgers is 
«'«?'??;/£/ federal — he is w«r/«A; opposed to the government, and there- 
fore not only was his ship released from the claws of the harpies, 
but, as we are informed, captain Beresford was himself so " warm- 
ly federal," that when he found out the tvcu-m federalism of the su- 
percargo of the Messenger, he deplored having sent the vessel for 
adjudication, and immediately went in search of her: nay, he pro- 
mised that on her arrival at Halifax she should be instantly re- 
leased without delay or hindrance, or even a trial, and even to 
Supply men to navigate her back, finding she belonged to gentle- 
men so ivarmly federal I 

'^ovi, farmers of America, are you surprised that the merchants, 
whose divinity is the goddess oiper centage, should be all " warm- 
ly FEDERAL," when to be tvarmly federal in the good graces of a 
British consul, can save their ships and cargoes from piracy and 
depredation. 

You see in this damrang fact, the premium which the English go- 
vernment holds forth for influencing your people ; you see the 
cause of that influence in the seaports, because in the seaports alone 
you lind loarm federalism arid ivarm devAion to England ; which 
in fact means the same thing. ♦ 

Here then you have also a key to mystery by which so many news- 
papers are upheld in opposition to your principles of government, 
to your pacific policy, and your best interests ; papers which are 
not patronised for any merit, intellectual or literary, but for being 
like Mr. Rutgers, nvurmly federal- Here you can perceive v/hy 
J\Iiranda's expedition was countenanced — it tvas warmli- f cLn-al — 
and here too you may perceieve why it is, that there is such a 
mixture of triumph and apprchnision concerning Burr's expedition 
— triumph because it is warmly fed. ral in opposition to the peace 
and liberties of his country ; apprehension because it is warmly 
federally feared that it m.ay be frustrated, and the nvannly federal 
faction found at the bottom of it. 

This ivarmly federal circumstance accounts to you, why you are 
caluminated — because you are not tvarwlu federal, you are tempe- 
rately pacific, devoted to the imity and integrity of these states, 
happily confederated together. Hear what an emissary of England 
says of the farmers of America, in a paper which, imitating ..i-r. 
Burr's '■'•unio7i cf all honest men," he calls '•'•■ the peofde's fri-?: !.'' 

It is part of an essay on Burr's conspiracy, and here is the fede- 
ral sentence passed by a British spy on \hG. farpiers of America. 

" The natural cupidity of the people, sharpened into avarice by our executive ex- 
periments and the appetite for cban^^e and cnterprize engetuieyed, or ut least fostered 
by the solitary condition of their itixs ; would naturally have rendered them accessible 
to the insinuation of those ti'ho hclu out to them the promise uj voeaith in the mint's 
»f Mexico, and of ne^v lands ahd ne^v acquisitions in that rich part of the ivorld." 
4 



26 

Farmers of Kentucky, and of the union at lart^e, what think you 
eS this character given you by the pen of this Cullen? a man who 
neither knows you, nor your country, other than by a stage coach 
jouiney, from Charleston to New York. 

A libel written at the moment when the energy of the farmvrit 
of the western country was giving a death blovv to the hopes of 
traitors, and to the hopes of the warmly federal English faction. 

The reason why X\\t farmers of the western country are thus li- 
belled, is not because they did join m Burr's conspiracy, but be- 
cause they fvould not join in it. It wa^ on the bench of justice, 
and at the bar of the courts of law, in the coflee house, and gam- 
bling houses and brothels, that materials were sought and found 
—men above the dull pursuits of civil life. 

because tht far7ners will not deviate from their interests, thence 
it is that they are to be libelled by these ufq-moua hirelings. 

Is it for a British emissary, supported by the mercantile interest 
of liritinh agents, and of Americans, who according to the descrip- 
tion of Mr. Barclay, the British consul at JVeiv York, deserve the ap- 
pellation of "w«r?«/i/ federal"-r—\% it for those men to charge our 
farmers with duplipity ? • 

W> know the common appellation of those British agents, and 
of Mr. Barclay's men, " ii<ur7n federalists," when speaking of the 
farmers of America, as, ignorant stupid country boors. 

This is the softest and mildest title afforded. 
Slaves to the mercantile interests, and monied interests in Britain, 
those British agents, and ^*' warm federalists'^ — look on the farmerst 
pi" America, as intended for their slaves here also. 

Who labors harder and with more industry than x\\e farmer ? 

Who better deserves the price he obtains for the produce of his 
farm — for the wheat, the barley, the flour, the corn, the pork, the 
poultry, or the fruits of the field ? 

Who are more contented, or who give less cause of uneasiness to 
their fellow citizens, than the /armer? 

Who is less given to change ? 

Aa ho work harder to bring a fair iiiterest for their capitals that* 
the farmers ? 

And yet the profligate ernissary Cullen, boldly asserts, that 
their eulndity and appetite for change, exposes them to the insinua- 
tions of every Burr or traitor ; — his subscription list belies his argu- 
ment. 

That they cannot be drawn to treason, or their own ruin, we 
shoi.ld have thought the foolish labors of a Cobbett would have 
suHic ently proved- 

Sa hen Burr applied to g en n-al Eaton, to become his subject and 
take a suboidinate coinmaiid, was it because he thought Edton a 
farmer, that he applied to him? No; Burr, in his conversation 
plainly pointed out who were the men he expected to join him. 

" Men above the dull pursuits of civil life." 

Had general Katon been a farmer. Burr would never have ap- 
plied to iiirn — and his application was a direct insult to J'laton, an'ii, 
to every other man of Katon's professionu 



But the pvoposiiiou met the fate it deserved — Edton spurned^ 
the traitor, and after mature reflection exposed the treason. 

And every man who is not a British agent or one of Barclay's 
"' warmly federal^' — every nlan who is a real citizen of America will 
disclose all they know. 

Asii the Ogdeiis of New York, who have been concerrted ill 
those conspiracies, if it was the farmers who embarked in Miran- 
da's expedition? Did he beat up for volunteers among the faniiers? 

Who are the men that have left Pittsburgh to join Burr ? 

tiot farmers. — a kind of negative beings who call themselves gen- 
tlemen, whose business is laziness, and who abhor honest labor — 
•fiaany (if whom are " students of morality." 

And yet British hirelings " ivarmly federal'^ assert XhdX farmers 
of America, are ready to follow any robber who oilers to lead 
thefti to the mines of Mexico ! 

A British spy, one of Barclay's " ivarmly federal" adherents, talks 
of cupidity ! 

iMore impudent libels, or incitements to v.iar^ or any thing which 
can lead to war, or to embarrassment of the United States, neve^ 
were to be expected in greater abundance than at the present 
mox-nent. 

The British influence never was lower than at this present mo- 
rnent-^and such consuls as Barclay, and such emissaries as Cullf-n^ 
are calculated to lay it prostrate — every Ameiican must pray that 
their right hands may never regain cunning. 

Never were the eyes of owr farmers more open to her intrigues. 

And even the '■'• gejiuine ftderalisis'* of Barclay are now in deep 
ilistress, withdrawing their support from her^ 

They see that nothing iiovv is to be expected from her co- 
©perations here, and their zeal and love begin to cool. Cufiidity 
■was the only motive of the attachment. But her consuls will still 
make the firesses earn their unhallowed stipends— that they may- 
preserve their places. 

The farmers of America will, in proportion as they are true 
to themselves, be traduced, abused and libelled. 

The efi'ects of the battle of Jena^ will be ten fold more iniurious 
to the pride and tyranny of George III. than the subjugation of all 
the south of Europe. 

Buenos .lyres is not again recaptured by the British — and her* 
arms are not in possession of the south part of Spanish America, 
as they vainly dreamt. 

Burr's conspiracy will be defeated, and her views on the northern 
part of Spanish America, are also foiled. 

Tht farme-rs of the western country, are not disposed to be sub- 
jects of Great Britain, by her -viceroy Burr. 

The cruelties committed on our farmers during the revolution, 
the poisoning of thousands oi farmers, in the Jersey prison sh;-3 
at New York — do Cullcn, or Barclay, when " warmly federal," 
feast their eyes with the bleached bones of our farmers and far- 
mers' sons at the Wallabout? 

The burning of ouvfurntcrt at Wilkesbarre h\ /leasc »trai9f rf& 



28 

should have thou(3;ht were sufficient proofs that cufiidity would fiot 
withdraw them from the union — and not venture to call up the re* 
collections of the farmers. 



No. VIII. 



SUPPOSE K farmer were to emigrate from tJ* state of Penn- 
sylvania, and settle in any other state of the union; and wh^n there, 
lie v/ere to manage his farm in a wasteful and extrava?^ant way, 
by a mode of agriculture unknown to the experienced farmers, 
and a mode not only in the end unprofitable to himself, but giving 
a bad example to his neighbours. 

Suppose that farmer^ when he went to the neighbouring market 
town to sell his produce, were not only not to conform to the 
modes, the laws, and customs of that town, but were to pursue 
such a cheating, tricking, extorting, and vexatious con<^'-!ct, as 
eternally to bring himself into disputes with the inhabitunts of the 
town he traded in — could it be expected that the y'^n-;,; -.. o' ihe 
township he resided in, would interfere, or be a party in lise dis- 
putes which his oAvn dishonesty brought on him. 

Certainly not: they would leave him to his bloody nose and 
broken pate, most deservedly, without at all interfering in quart els 
which did not concern them. 

Take the following cases: 

When the British took Luencs Aijres there were a numb. • . vho 
called themselves »'///;f;vrfl?2.5', settled there as traders; they eui: ; od. 
all the advantages of a neutral commerce, and could receive uod 
dispose of merchandize, whether from the United State? or direct 
from England — they could export or import fron-j the whole world. 

Not content with that privilege, and all the advantages of a 
neutral character, but directly on the British taking that city, a Mr. 
White, said to be of Boston, must enter into the Brithh service^ and 
that not only in a common service, but one of the most qff'e?mve~^ 
that o{ jirize agent — an office which must have been particularly ob- 
noxious to the Spaniards^ as, being a neutral, it gave him an op- 
portunity of being acquainted with mercantile adventures, which a 
British prize agent could not be expected to know, or could not pos- 
sibly be in possession of. 

If, then, ylmcrican merchants settled in neutral countries, will 
take X\\Q first opportunity to shew an hostility to the nations which 
England is at war with, and enter into her service, is it at all extra- 
ordmary that France or Sjiain should lay restraints on the -hne- 
VI' an merchants, acquainted also as they doubtless are with the ge- 
neral hostility and folly exhibited at our coffee houses. 

Will owv farmers go to war for such men — for men who care 
so little about our national character ? 

'1 he British were driven from f^urnos Jyrrs, they blqckaded the 
port of Monte fu'do ; and of course, the governor laid an embargo ; 



2» 

an American vessel, disregarding the orders, slipped out of port ; 
the consqucence was, that every American vessel was immediately 
ordered (o deliver u/i their shifts' pafiers, to unship their topmasts, 
to get all their yards upon deck. 

Was this to be wondered at? 

Will our farmers go to war for such men, so selfish and in- 
different to na(io7i(il honor and character? 

Last winter an embargo was laid on all vessels in the ports of 
Holland. 

Some American ships, in violation of the embargo, had slipt 
their cables, and went to England with information ! 

The consequence was, that the most rigorous laws were imme-' 
diately enacted for restraint of all ylmtrican vessels in future. 

The ship ConnecticutAvAiWnt; to St. Domingo, cut her cables and 
put to sea in defiance of the laws of that government. 

Ofcoui-se, -D..siG/«2(?& ordered regulations, which subjected other 
American vessels to much inconvenience. 

Now if Americans will thus set the laws of any nation they trade 
with at defiance, is it any wonder if every nation becomes suspi- 
cious of the whole body of American merchants ? 

Thus it is that our disputes with other nations arise; and the 
British papfrs and agents seize hold of those just restrictions, and 
without informing their readers of the cause — they basely add 
deception on the American people to the general fraud, and assert 
that France and Sjiain are laying wanton restrictions on our com- 
merce. 

When all those restrictions are occasioned by such conduct as 
we have enuinevated. 

The jnurder of Pierce^ at New York, was turned into ridicule 
by Xhe federal and Brifish papers in that city, and a song was sung 
by one of the " sainted fiilgri7ns," turning the murder of Pierce 
into mockery -i— it was 

<' Who killed Cock Robin, Sec." 

Is it for these men our farjners are called on to build navieSj 
fortifications, and undertake systems of war ? 

The impressment of our seamen^ and the blockade of our ports, 
is scarcely noticed in the federal papers. 

Was Britain to refrain from the impressment of our citizens, of 
insulting our coasts — or interesting hev^^M effectually in our inter- 
nal politics — then her government would soon find that the de- 
mocratic prints would have but little cause for an interference in 
her policy. 

Let Britain but once cease to employ emissaries among us, and 
the iUicit trade carried on with the enemies of Britain, by British 
and Scotch emigrants, v/ould meet but with trifling defence. 

British cruisers might then plunder them until they learned to 
respect neutral protection, it would be only dog devouring Ins fel- 
low. 

American /ar777C7-* would not interest themselves for British rob- 
bing British. 

But now Britain is infatuated enough to violate the indepcn- 



30 

dehce of the United States, those British agents who liave skulked 
from their own country to avoid the expenses of a war, whose 
justice they are daily vociferating, and those Americans who are 
to all intents British, will screen themselves under the general 
indignation of America, to carry on a trade forbid by all the laws 
of nations, as they stand at present . 

Those hints, whilst they are intended for our farmers^ are par- 
ticularly recommended to the English ambassador and consuls. 

Would the merchants at the coffee houses generally support a 
■war for the independence of the nrutrul Jiag^ or to maintain that a 
neutral flag makes neutral property ? 

We say no, they would not. 

France at least professes to advocate the universal rights of the 
free neutral flag — and an examination of the real interests and po* 
licy of France are in favor of the belief that she is in earnest, be- 
cause it would be her interest, and in no respect against it. 

If our merchants are disposed to go that length, then no doubt 
onv/armers will unite in the burthens of war. 

Ikit no. 

Any thing which France advocates is not right in the eyes of 
our " WARMLY federal" and lury merchants. 

However much the torie^- and British agents may exclaim againSt 
France now, and pretend it is against Bonaparte only, it is not 
true. 

The American revolution Only it is they look to; their enmity 
against France is the hereditary enmity of Englishmen, aggra-' 
vated by the recoIlectiGn of the aid given to America by France. 

The cabinet of Great Britain and George III. feels the loss of 
America now severely, in that proportion, will they now endeavor 
the ruin of America. 

Had it not been for the revoluiion, we should have been sur- 
rounded by tithes, by privileged colleges, by privileged church rules 
and church wardens, visitations and taxes, by di privileged clergy-^- 
and nobles of Nova Scotia .' 

Would not many of our federal gentlemen have been among 
those privileged barons, and knights, and nobles — and above the 
dull pursuits of civil life ? 

Would not ti British prince, some hopeful son of George III. 
have been sent to rule over us, with body guards of such Hes- 
sia?is and Hanoverians as you vanquished at Trenton ? 

Would not a standing army, or a legion of honor have been pro- 
duced for the younger sons of the tvell bom, at your expense, to live 
in idleness, Avhilst the laws o{ iirimogeniture would have been estab- 
lished, and all the sons and daughters of a family been beggared, 
in order that one might be a traitor to the liberties of his coun- 
trymen, and the others thrown dependant on the monarchy fot* 
their pay, to cut the throats of the farmers, if they dare grumble at 
their oppressions. 

Jliis is done in Britain. 

And because the farmers will not suffer this in the Unite4 
States, it is that the Cullcns and the spies of Britain foment sedi- 
tion, to endeavor the ruin of America some how w other. 



ai 



No. IX. 



WE were about to change the direction of the discussions in 
these numbers, when the B0''> ton Chronicle of the loth instant, pre- 
■sented lo us in a sound and well reasoned essay, under the signa- 
ture of Franklin, an exhibition of the politics of the L). States, 
and the views of her enemies, in an impressive point of view — - 
from this essay we shall incorporate and adopt a few extracts. 

" There is a party in this country, who call themselves /rrf<?7-a^- 
ists. That party is headed and urged on by leaders who are rest- 
Itss as the sea., cruel as the most fierce anger, and relentless as the 
grave. Would those leaders avow the intended consequences of 
their measures^ the great body of the party which now supports 
them, would retire, and leave them to be execrated by the present 
age and by all posterity. Their mantles of hypocrisy would fall 
from their shoulders; the marks of deceit would drop from their 
faces ; their schemes of ambition and avarice would lie in the dust. 
They would be shunned as a wasting pestilence. 

"The leaders command their own and tl.eir party's tvealth ; 
and which, in Massachusetts, and by an artful change in the form. 
iQf riches^ from individual to corporate possessions, embraces nearly 
the wealth of the whole state : at least it turns its efficiency to the 
Mse of those leaders in their dangerous and destructive influence. 

" Those disorganizing, traitorous leaders, induce their deceived 
party to maintain a great number of gazettes called by them fe- 
deral neivspapers. In those, the truth, in regard to the neutral and 
•real interest of the country, can never be admitted. Slanders 
against the rulers of the nation, against the administration of go- 
vernment, and against foreign powers, fill one half the columns. The 
other half is devoted to eulogies on the English government, her 
fleets and troops — ivith a manifest intention to disturb our neutral 
ground, and to involve us, as an ally of England, in her jEuro/iean 
contests. Does any one doubt this, let him read their papers, and 
suppose that the nations abused and slandered, with their rulers, 
have the same feelings as we have, as all m.en have, and the 
most stubborn party prejudice must yield to the, truth of the fact. 

" What is this for? Can it end in any thing of advantage to 
us as a republic? It certainly cannot. It may oppress us with the 
expense of an army ; it may sink our wealth in the ocean under the 
ivfight of a fleet. It may turn our ploughshares into swords, and 
our pruning hooks into spears. It may shut the streights of Gibral- 
tar against our Mediterrajiean trade, or furnish the Italian domi- 
nirms of France there, the Spaniards at Cape Finisterre. and the 
Algerines, Tripolitans, and Tun-sians, with ships to destroy our 
commerce in those seas. It may turn our numerous Indian and China 
ghips, now duly arriving with incalculable riches, into fuel for the 
multitude perishing with poverty. 

" Whoever reads this, and wishes to know the truth, has the 
^Vidence under his own eye. He will reflect on the question. 



22 

nvkether he haa not himself observed that some of his neighbours have 
afijieared to be disafifjointed^ when the navs of hostilities tvith the 
S/ianiards on the banks of the AIissit,siJifii or iial)ine have been con- 
tradicted? Whether he has not seen men, who have cherished the 
hoj'.e of ozir engaging into war with S/iaiii, as the most poivtrful sti' 
mulus to a daring project? If their Wishes have proceeded from 
any other source than a British infizience^ let that source be pointed 
to. It is not contended that all who have cherished those destruc» 
tive wishes, have acted from such base motives : they have, gene- 
rally, been deceived by a fenv 7nen, who have artfully concealed 
their wishes and designs. Yet these consequences are jdain and ten- 
deniable, apain is an ally of France., at ivar with England ; France 
must support tijiain against ics ; France has the possession of the 
Italian peninsula, of the states of Venice, of the United Pro- 
vinces; with the Austrian and Prussian empires lying silent at 
her feet ; and her emperor, who is every day, in the most impoli* 
tic, ungenerous, and abusive manner, made tlie sport of die federal 
papers, commands more troops., has more armies^ and a greater re- 
•venue than any of the Roman Cesars ever had. You will find those 
deceitful men who call themselves yi-f/crcZ/sr*, suggesting from one 
weak mind to another, that Bonaparte v?ill invade our coun- 
try. Yet they are pursuing every possible measure to induct- him 
from resentment.) raised by their perfidious politics., to undertake it. 
At the sa.me moment they are prognosticating so terrible a cala- 
mity^ they are using every art, guilty of every wicked ?neusure that 
malice can conceive or falsehood spread, to weaken our union and to 
render our nation contemptible. 

" If this '\h federalism., \.\\q\\ federalism is the bane of our country; 
and will be, unless checked by the public opinion, the source of 
our destruction as a nation." 

These sentiments are those of an honest and an enlightened 
mind; the principles laid down, and the inferences drawn from 
them are not controveitible. Put the case in another position 
which is here slated. 

We have no national cause of complaint against France. France 
has manifested the most liberal dispositions towards the U. 
States. 
The principles of our governmc t, and the wishes of our peo- 
ple — the farmers, seventeen iwnitieths oi the whole, are for 
" peace and friendship with all nations, entangling alliances 
with none." 
The king of Prussia deemed a publication in a Paris newspaper- 
deserving of olTicial complaint by his ambassador. 

The English government prosecuted in London, by the,ir king's 
attorney general, a publisher of libels on the chief of the French 
nation. 

As the above quoted writer pertinently observes ; one half of 
certain papers in the United Stales are filled with slanders against 
a nation with which we are at peace, and the other half with eulo- 
gies, on a nation which is every day plundoring, murdering, or 
molesting us. 



-33 

These contradictory modes of conduct, farmers of America, 
are pu.ued by the very men who coniinue the abuse of your go- 
vernment with the eulogies on the oppressive governmeni of Bri- 
t'din. 

What other mtention or -vleiv can these persons contemplate, 
than the ruin of your prosperity and the sacrifice of your peace ? 
If France acts with a magnanimity and forbearance towards the 
United States, which her policy and her knowlege of the policy of 
neighbouring nations, did not admit her to pursue towards them j 
it is only a new proof of the liberality of her views towards us. 

But does it not also prove, that when those who seek to provoke 
liosttlity know these facts, that their conduct must be traced to otie 
or other (or both) of two sources — their hatred of their own coun- 
try and government, or thei? corruption by the government they 
eulogise. 

It is not compatible with virtue. 

To eulogize the oppressor — and to vilify the liberal. 
The evil then cannot be traced to any source that is not wicked; 
and were it possible to attribute it to any thing short of absolute 
depravity and corrupuon ; still does it the more demand the pre» 
(iaution of ihefariners of America, 

We must then foUov/ the system up to its source — for it is an 
uniform system — when Cobbett was acting the part of a British 
spy in this city ; his chief supporters were the federalists, and tlie 
official agents of England ; every Thursday night Cobbett spent 
with Liston, at his house in Arch street. 

On Cobbctt's return to England, those bosom friends and sup- 
porters, ihcfcderoli.sts, were the persons on whom he lavished the 
most abuse, in his general defamation of the American character. 
When Cobbett was here, the subject of the cruelties committed 
by the British government in India on the editor of the Aurora, 
was a constant treat from his pen, to the depraved appetite of/e- 
deralis7n. 

Since Cobbett's return, he has not only exposed the injustice of 
the English government in India, but asserts that for want of a 
free firess, for the attempt to establish which Duane was banished, 
is the only cause to which might be attributed an India debt og 
33,000,000 sterl. but the present disastrous state of British India in 
general. 

When Cobbett resided here, he constantly contrasted the misery' 
of the mechanics in America, with the hap^iiness of the same 
classes in Britain. 

Since he returned, he informs us that the whole class of mecha- 
nics ?ire fiau/iers, and that they have in Britain 1,000,000 persons 
"who are dependent on charity for relief, not men who cannot la- 
bor — but men, whose wages paid them by the aristocracy of Bri- 
tain, are not even equal to the purchase of the coarsest food, by 
which to support their wretched existence — and that when sent to 
their poor houses, their sufferings are gre^iter than those of the ?:<'- 
groes in the middle passage, when packed «p by all the refinement 
of mercantile cupidity. 

5 



34 

When Cobbett was in Philadelphia he daily pandered to the ape- 
tites of federalism, by representing the independence of the mid- 
dle classes of merchants and tradesmen in Britain, the dtjiendancc 
and wretchedness of the same ranks in this country. 

Since his return home, he assures his former /rzVnc/s, that the 
taxes in Britain are to be collected at the point of the bayonet — and 
tnat it is indifferent by whom they are collected, whether by F)-ench 
or Bntttih bayonets ! I 

When Cobbett was here, the virtues and blessings of monarchy 
were the constant themes by which he readied tlie pockets of to- 
rieSy British agents, and anglo-fedcratiits. 

Since his return home, Faine himself, or Dumie, or any writer, 
however " inveterate in hostility to Britain or to monarchy," (as 
the Boston FalUidium has it,) could not have lavished on monarchy 
more desperate wounds — the assassination which he has reconi- 
me;uled to the British government to employ on Duanc — he is 
himself applying to that government. 

When Cobbet was earning the wages of his baseness and hylio- 
crictj here, then with our tories and anglo-federalists, he was what 
thc-v call ''a geiitltman," a bottle companion for the best of them 
—and no doubt he was difu comhunion! 

Now that Cobbett has returned home and put by the mask — now 
that he is telling the truth and tlie whole truth — now that he is pr Jnt- 
ing his former bosom friends to the world in their true colour-^ — 
now he is telling the truth of Duane — now he is giving a just .-.nd 
true picture of the situation of the poor in England, and of the 
middling tradesmen — now he is representing the unfathomable ra- 
paciiij of the royal something* in Britain, called a king — now that 
he is placing in their true colours the hopeful progeny of the 
broods of royal whores and biui'inls — now it is, wiiilst Cobbett is tell- 
in«' the trutli, that the best expressioji nis former friends can afford 
him is — Cobbett is a damned scoundrel ! 

When Cobbett was here, the avowed adherent, the sfiy and eniis- 
sani of the British government — and the dear friend of federalism, 
then he was indeed entitled to the appellation now bestowed on 
him. 

Cobbetfs present conduct, is, however, some atonement to Ame- 
rica, for the wrongs he has done her. 

However, if we consider thoroughly the whole life and conduct 
of Cobbett, there are some excuses to be made for him; he had 
been in the ranks of the British army ; he iiad been trained t9 
obey, to be fed, and to be clothed, in the name of a thing called a 
king — and to look upon this thing as the only fountain of honor — 
indeed he was exactly in the sitir.ition of scores of counter bred 
Englishmen who frequent our cotTee houses and look mighty — ri- 
diculous 1 — who, having had their /'of^rr bought, and their bread 
and cheese cut for them whilst at home — know not any thing of 
their own country or its government, but what they nre bid to be- 
lieve b.ere by some consular agent; but having commenced their 
rarecr of feeding, and clothing, and carving for themselves in this 

* So Heme Tooke lias It— res- a tlung, rsx a ^'/.v^' 



35 

country, foolishly persuaded themseWes, that England is as free 
from tajccs, and household expenses as they find il acre — to such 
Avc would recommend the experience of re emigration — and like 
Cobijett, after a life of stupid and passive credulity; they will be, 
from the mere necessity of the case, obliged to think and confess 
their ig-norance and their folly, as he has done. 

(}obbett was initiated into all those ideas, when the offer of Bri- 
tish pay was again held out to him in tlie service of his old master 
— he then threw by the ret^imnitals of the RoUUer. for the detestable 
Uriui^ and garb of a sfiy — and if we may judge from his present 
v.'iilings — he must have felt some remorse, on rellecting by what 
faiselioods he had earned his share of " exjiended millions.)^' and 
merited his statue of gold. 

Cobbett also found that hyfwcricy was his only passport to the 
confidence of federalism — he knew that whilst they were hugging 
him to their bosoms — his duty was, like the viper, to sting them 
to death. 

So long as his services wei'e deemed useful to the British govern- 
ment, j.nd he did not-expose himself by exhibiting the cloven foot 
too plainly, he was coutinued at his post. 

But when his connection witli Liston was exposed by this paper; 
and when Liston himself was exposed in the conspiracy of Blount, 
and the attempt to bribe gen. Elijah Clarke, Cobbett was recalled; 
and to complete his services, his press in London was employed to 
lavish on his old federal fri'.mh^ the same abuse and vAorse, which 
they had encouraged him whilst in Philadelphia, to load on our 
government and \.\\t farmer fi of America. 

Just such aiiother character, without any of the strength of mind 
of Cobbett, v.-ithout that frcu-il-.n ess which goes alnug with the cha- 
I'acter, after it has ovei-conie early ignorance — but with all his 
x'ieivs^ is that British ?y)y and emissary dcdriu of New York. Like 
Cobbett, whilst at Pli.lacleiphia, the '■'warm ferleralists" of New 
York, as Mr^ Barclay, tiie Biatish consul, calls the adherents of 
England — they are supportirig and playing into the hands of the 
IVindli'.Lins and (ircnviil'-;: of Bril<.in, and the Barclays and Bonds of 
America — and like ('ol)ijcU, will that feil-jw with the ivror,;^ name re- 
turn to that country whicli enslaves his own comitry- — and join the 
band of spies, the Coiii> -its, the Welds, the Moores, the Parkin- 
sons, in their al:)i!se and defamation of the American character — 
•whom, in some resjiects they expose justly, for they collected tlieir 
ideas of American virtue from the ivarm federalism with wliich 
they associalvd. 

- Tiiis sketc'i of two eiv.issaries, was necessary to present to the 
FARMRRs cT A-.iF.RicA, a fair coi-iparison of the similarity of the 
past and pres.ciU system ; and to shew the congruity which has 
ujuformly prevailed between the elforts of the (ji:cn ar,d avo-i^cd 
emissary — tlie oificial age\t — the " nvarmhj federal" politician ; and 
the presses v/hicli are of their league. 

Their common object, farmeks of America is hostility to you 
under every circumstance; England has failed to conquer you by 
force — and her fraud has recoiled upon her — she now wishes to em- 



36 

Itroil you; as siie has etnbroilf^d Hollands Genoa^ Florence^ Fenice, 
A'a/ilcs, Sardinia., Frus-sia, Austria — You know Avhat has been their 
fate, and they had oriijjinally no more cause or right or provoca- 
tion to attack France than you have now. These are truths, that 
defy denial — because they can be demonstrated by the most formal 
and authentic proofs. 



No. X. 

THE history of the American nation since the establishment 
of the federal constitution, begins now to assume shape and vo*- 
lume. It is a very interesting history to ;dl tlie Avorid, and the 
farmers of America cannot study it with loo much attention. 
With all its defects, (for it has defects, and wh;it liuman institution 
has not?) it is the most pleasing object of historical contempla- 
tion in the annals of the ^orld. The peo/ile of America only want 
one quality, which every other nation on earth possesses, — that is» 
that the love of country should be Jclt superior to every other con- 
sideration. This trait of national character is wanting; and so 
much is it Avanting, that it is the cause of a great many evils 
\vhich the nation would not be otherwise exposed to. In the pre- 
ceding number, we have given examples of the fact, in pointings 
out the conduct of men calling themselves yhnericans, but acting 
like fiirates or emismries of foreign countries. 

The farmers of America .^ must be exonerated from any partici- 
pation, in this shame, or in the injuries that flow from it: and it 
must also be added (and lamented) that it is from the acts and 
deeds of those who are engaged in foreign commerce, that our 
country, its morals and character^ is judged by foreign nations: and 
by the acts of public men, of what is called the learned professions; 
from the sentiments and talents of our legislators ; and from the 
conduct and policy of our statesmen. 

AiAiong the causes of the war. of a consistent national character^ 
no doubt, the early situation of these states as colonies, the habits 
acquired from connection and language, and the remains of a 
common mode of civil regulation, greatly contribute. 

But had many of those who embarked in the revolution been 
so sincerely devoted to principles of public liberty, and the princi- 
ples of the Declaration of Independence, as they were to pursuits 
ftf incliviuual ambition, many impediments would have been re- 
moved from the establishment of national happiness and a national 
character. 

But men who either aimed to be despots like Hamilton, or who 
were disappointed like Burr ; or who vainly conceited that they 
could write mankind out of their senses and their liberties, like 
Adamfs and other anti-de^nocratic authors ; also retarded the forma- 
tion of a national character. 

These and such men, though they did not accomplish their de- 



ijfgns, but ultimately sunk into merited obscurity, for the attempts 
they made ; they nevertheless greatly injured the nation. 

They seduced the people from the principles of the revolution, 
plain, natural, and obvious ; into subtlety and absurdity ; they dis- 
cussed iiaradox and thereby ])revented the application of common 
sense to the national affairs ; they talked of balances and holes for 
privileged orders ; as if giving a liian a false name, gave him more 
wisdom ; or as if placirig a man or a number of men above all 
control or check, was the best way of making a balance ; or as if 
creating causes of enmity and jealousy, were the best means of 
producing confidence and unanimity. 

Tliey talked of a national del)t as a national blessing — as if a 
nation any more th^n an individual, must l;c hnppy and indepen- 
dent in proportion as lie rioted on the uropeity of others, and put 
himself out of the possihility of payiug libera or their heirs^ to 
the third or fourth generation. 

But all these injurious proceedings, which were somctimc-> the 
effect of personal vanity, and at others of imbeciiity, and in others 
of foreign corruption, genti-Jly envied in referring the Jicojilc to 
the cxcanfde of lingUind an-' /a ;■ ■{-,'■:■! ^nwni. 

Perhaps (>f cM tht: exils r.' .^.> ivic/.i to 

he nppief.Hiidtd, nor ii;!y that : , and happl- 

ntss of Anicrica, as t.'jc ,i;i>'vc,), : ,, ... i... i,.,,,., i, „,,..... ., ,...,, .,:,,i\c;:cv. V/<rr 

is the Scylla, but the Luglish ro.cyn incut is the Charyudis of America — both to hs 
alike deprecattd, and shunned. 

On this theuTe, Americans should be every day waiMied — and the 
morning orison, and the matin ejaculation of every American child 
should be — " O save my country, thou good Providence, from tlic 
" afflictions of war, but above all from the example of England." 
As the English history is in the chronology of the world, only a 
volume v/ritten before our own ; and as all history is intendcci .■or 
admonition, and to teach mankind wisdom from past example ; it 
is very important for Americans, for the farmers of x\merica, to 
know the real clraracter, the operation, and the efiect of that go- 
vernment which has been recommended as the most stupendous 
fabric of human wisdom. 

Whatever may be pretended, it is evident that the happiness of 
the English people is not the object of that government — that a 
national debt is a national blessing, we cannot believe, because, ac- 
cording to Coibett, there are not less than one Tyillicn of /laujier.t 
depending on the charity of the rest — this is the ccnseqnence of 
the irational debt; no dotibt that million is the miiiority — -but it re- 
mains to be seen if the niajority, that arc notpai'.pers, are better off 
than w-e are, under cur simple form of government. 

To exhibit the blesfiini^s of the majoritv of the English people, 
we conceive cannot be ungrateful to those wIkj admire them at a 
distance — and in our following numbers we will exhibit the blessings 
of taxes in Britain, as published in Kearsley's tux tables for 1806, 
— The American farmer we shall leave to judge for himself, if he 
is disposed to accept of those or such blesslntfs as are so much ex- 
tolled by persons " warmly federal." 

This list of taxes is highly instructive and interesting to the 



38 

American farmer, whether he considers il as the object presented 
for his preference to our government, or v.s the consumniation of 
a system which we had begun to imitate about eight or nine years 

Ti^ey are called the assessed Uf.Trs,thi\t is, taxes directly assessed, 
:ind I<^vied on the /wrsons and /iropcrty of individuals, exclusive of 
the; Irmd tc.x;^/ioor rales, church taxes, road tax, tithes, (a great nalion- 
al bk;,;;ing) imjtort and exjiort duties, militia fines, and duties, and a 
ihoutiund others. 

Well, now for " the blessirig'^ of taxes" — first comes the window 
TAX — that is, a tax on the light which shines through any glass, or 
o/iening; or sky light, or borrorved light in a passage or cellar^ or 
garret ov kitchen, or indeed any other building. 

You may recollect, farmers, that upon the foundation of internal 
taxes, you were already twice menaced with military execution: 
the disturbance called the Itot ivater nvnr^ arose in fact from the pre- 
parations making without any legal autliority to form an estimate 
for a window tax ; one of the tax officers undertook to measure the 
windows of a house in Berks cour.tij^ in this state ; a. f male, indig- 
nant at the idta of t.a>ang ihe lig/it of heave?!, and understanding 
that no law authorised the measurement of the windows, opened 
a sash on the second floor, and poured the contents of a chatnber 
tite?isil on the heiid of a tax officer — tiiis was the beginning of the 
'ivar — and from tlie specieti of arlillery used, emphatically styled 
the hot li'alcr roar. 

We may see from what follows of the English window tax — 
what we might have expected — from a successful imitation of the 
example set forth fur us. 

WINao^v Taa. 
For every house and ifs appurtenances, of /".S a year rent, /TOGO sterl. a year. 



For evi 


sry house with 


Per annum. 


For every house with 


Per annum. 


6 w: 


indows, 


fM 8 


9 


28 windows. 


;C16 


7 


do 


"O 18 





29 


do 


16 15 


8 


do 


1 10 





30 


do 


17 10 


9 


do 


1 18 





31 


do 


18 5 


10 


do 


2 10 





32 


do 


19 


n 


do 


3 5 





•i?y 


do 


19 15 


12 


do 


4 





34 


do 


20 10 


13 


do 


4 15 





35 


ilo 


21 5 1 


14 


do 


5 10 





36 


do 


22 


1,5 


do 


() 5 





37 


do 


22 15 


16 


do 


r 





38 


do 


23 10 


17 


do 


7 lo 





39 


cio 


24 5 


18 


do 


8 30 





40 ic 


. 44 do 


25 15 


19 


do 


9 5 





45 


4:.' do 


28 5 


20 


do 


10 





50 


54 do 


30 15 


21 


do 


10 15 





55 


59 do 


33 5 


22 


do 


11 10 





60 


64 do 


35 9 


23 


do 


12 5 





65 


69 do 


37 9 


24 


do 


13 





70 


74 do 


39 9 


•25 


do 


13 15 





1^ 


79 do 


41 9 


26 


do 


14 jO 





80 


84 do 


43 9 


27 


do 


15 5 





85 


89 do 


45 9 Q 



Ptr annum. 


For ev^ry house with, 


Per annum 


47 9 0" 


140 to 149 windows. 


68 9 


49 9 


150 lay do 


73 9 D 


52 9 


16U 169 do 


7t; 9 


56 9 


170 179 do 


bO 9 


60 9 


180 and upwards, 


83 


64 9 







shiill be 




tax i.i) 


i 1 4 in tiie pound. 




J 



39 

For every bouse witiji 
90 to 94 windows, 
95 99 do 
lOU 1U9 do 
110 119 do 
120 129 do 
130 139 do 

And for every house with more than 180 windows or lights, for 
eac!i window, 2 shillings and 6 pence. 

Scotland is rated about 2 shillings in the poimd lower for the 
light of heaven than England. 

Exemptions — (any one who wishes to consider the full force of 
this head, should consider an article published in the Aurora on. 
the 25th of October, from Cobbett's Political Register, concerning: 
the royal chnl list '. ) all iiouses belon^'ing to /./•>• vutjcolij or a7iij of 
the royal family. 

House T.\.k. 
For every dwelling house whose rent ch:i:-ge 
above £.3 ^nd ander t w(;jity pounds a ye.ir, (^ 
For jQ2'J uud under ^'40 
Forj^4'Jand iipwardii - - - 2 (5 

ExKS^'TIo^0 3. — Every house belonging to his majesty, or any of 
the royal family I 

Male S£RVA^■Ts — Class I. 
For 1 male servant, ... 

2 male servants, ... 

3 do. - . . . 

4 do. 

5 do. 

6 do. 

7 do. 

8 do. 

9 do. 

10 do. - - - - 

11 and uj.o.ards, - ... 
Unmarried men to pay an additional sum oi £^ 10 shill 

The enumeration of the titles of servants in those classes, is amus- 
ing — the first class comprehends maitre d'hocel, hovise steward, 
master of the horse, groom of the chamber, valet de chambre, but- 
ler, under butler, clerk of the kitchen, confectioner, cook, house 
porter, footman, running footman, coachman, groom, postilion, sta- 
ble boy, or keeper, gardener, park keeper, game keeper, huntsf- 
man, whipperin ; waiters in taverns and boarding houses. 

Male Servants — ClassVI. 
Gardeners empioyed to v/oric in a ^^arden under any person chargable in the first 

class, where the constant labor ot one person is required, ^^5 per year. Day 

laborers exempted. 

Male Servan is — Class III. 
A rider in the service of a merchant, when only one is employed 
^Vhere more than one - . - . 

Boox-keeper, or clerk - - . . 

Where more than or.e, for each . ... 

Every shop-man, ware'iiuu.;c-man - - - 

Every waiter in a tavern, or eating house 
Evci-y iiorse groom ... 

Every servant retamed for the purposes of husbandry 



^i 










10 





3 


u 





3 


10 


G 


4 








4 


4 





4 


6 





4 


12 





5 








5 


10 





6 


6 





on each 


. servar 



£2 


2 





3 


3 





1 


1 


u 


2 


2 





1 


1 





2 





if 


1 


1 


a 





5 


a 



40 

Male Servants — Class IV. 
Eveiy cftachman, groom, postilion, or keeper, retained by persons 

keeping horses or coaches for hire - - - 2 U ^ 

And every man who cleans a pair of shoes for his employer, is 
deemed a servant. 

Exemptions. — The royal family, the universities, hospitals, of- 
ficers not receiving pay of field officers, disabled officers, army or 
navy. 

Carriages. 

Class I. — With four "wheels. 
By the owners of one carriage the annual sum of 



Do. 


2 


carriages 


Do. 


3 


do.'^ 


Do. 


4 


do. 


Do. 


5 


do. 


Do. 


6 


do. 


Do 


7 


do. 


Do. 


8 


do. 


Do. 


9 


do. 



;C10 








11 








12 








12 


10 





13 








13 


10 





14 








14 


10 


0. 


15 








5 









For every additional body, used in the same carriage 

Class 11. — Carriages with less than four ivhci '• . 
Every such carriage, (except taxed carts, constructed, kept, and 
used imder this act) drawn by one horse, mare, or gelding, and 
no more - - - - - - £3 5 d 

Drawn by two horses, mares, or geldings - - 7 7 

For every additional body to the same can-iage - - 2 10 

Within these two classes are comprehended the following de- 
scriptions — coach, berlin, landau, chariot, calash, chyise marine, 
chaise sociable, caravan with four wheels (alias Jersey waggon), 
chaise, curricle, chair, cax* — and keeping without using renders the 
owner as liable as if used, even though kept only to be disposed of. 
Class III. — Carriages for hire. 

Every carriage kept for hire, with horses, and for less time than a year, four 
wheels, annually - - - - - ^^8' 8 

Less than four wheels, according to the rules of the second class 
and number of horses. 

Every coach, diligence, caravan, chaise, &c. kept as a public stage, 8 8 

Every carriage kept for hire for a period less than a year, 

Class IV. — Taxed carts. 

Carriages built of wood and iron, drawn by one horse, without any other than 
a tilted covering — without hinge or springs, with a fixed seat, and without 
slings or braces or any other ornaments than paint of a dark color for preser- 
vation — and on which must be visibly painted the words " taxed cart," 
and the owner's name, on a black grutind in v^hite Utters, or on a white ground 
in black letters — each of the letters a full inch in length and of due propor- 
tion in breadth, - - - - - ;^1 4 
Exemptions — AH carriages belonging to his majesty or any of 

the royal family. 

Class V. — Coachmakcrs. 

Every maker of coaches or carriages, annual duty 
Every carriage made for side, of four wheels 
Of two wUeeis ... 



/;o 


5 





1 








10 


f) 



41 

Class VI. — Sellers of carriages by auction, or on commission. 
Rvery such seller, annual duty, or licence - . . ^Q 5 Q 

Beside for every carriage sold with four wheels - - 10 

Do two wheels > . 10 

Stamps. « 

Stamp on the contract of a solicitor, clerk, or attorney in the courts of West- 
minster ..... ^110 
In any other part of England or Wales - - 55 
Asbignment of articles - - « - 1 10 
Admittance 6f attorney, clerk, advocate, proctor, notary, or other of- 

iicer, in any court in England - - . 20 

Solicitor, attorney, &c. &c. if not admitted three years, yearly 10 

If three years or more, yearly - - . 10 

Any other part of Gi-eat Britain but London, yearly - 3 3 

If three years and move, yearly . - . 6 

Special pleaders, draftsmen in equity, conveyancer V, certiiicate, yearly 10 

The farmers of America will remember that the first introduc- 
tion of those taxes was in a trifling degree — ^just as in John jidams's 
days, when it was said — " what seditious rascals, why it is only a 
" penny stamps only a trifling tax on whiskey^ ojdy an exciseman or 
" two just calling, only now and then, 07dy just to see how you do." 

So it was the argument of the lories, that Britain only wished to 
collect a feiv pence a pound on tea — 'twas but a trifle, not worth 
while for the ragged rabble of Boston to grumble about— or, as 

the pious Connecticut " ivarm federalists" say, the " tag rag." t. 

Britain did it only for the good of America — to strengthen the 
chain of connection 1 

So was the larid tax laid on, on the first landing of VVilliam of 
Nassau, from Holland — it was only to last for a year or two — the un- 
suspecting farmers of England were duped, and the land tax is 
now perfectly four shillings in the pound, on all the land in Great 
Britain— o?z/i/ because the farmer once gave way to internal taxa- 
tio-n. 

The first adoption of this land tax was from foreigners, and fo- 
reign connections — Britain sent to Holland for a thing to make a 
king, the Hanoverian thing followed and completed the ruin of 
\\\^ farmer. 

Those foreigners brought with them foreign ideas, and Britain 
was soon involved in foreign wars, and foreign alliances — you need 
not be told of the recent effects. 

It is from this lesson of ruin and destruction that the spies and 
emissaries of Britain preach up the examples o( foreign alliances, 
BTid foreign wars, and foreign natio7is, and taxes, and national debts, 
and fortifications, to the American people — they know that these 
things have occasioned the ruin of Britain — and that the same 
course would produce the same effects here also ; and as they want 
to ruin America, they advise a course which they know will i-uin 
her. 

From foreign alliances, and hearkening to foreigners who ex- 
cited to war, Britain was 70 years of the last century involved in 
war. Yet it is " warrnly federal" to call a national debt a blessing 
—-of course war must be a greater blessing-^iov the debt is occa- 
6 



,42 

sioned by the war — and if the eflect is a blessing, the cause must 
be still a greater blessing. 

To what dreadful blasjihemies do such principles tend to lead its 
stupid besotted advocates. 

And yet thousands, who pretend to religion, who hear and read 
these words, will reply — " well, how can Britain do without /exes ?" 
Just as well may the highwayman defend ?««r(/fr, because he had 
determined to rob, as for Britain to make this excuse. 

Farmers of America, if you once submit and give way to inter- 
nal taxation, unless for the promotion of improvement in your in- 
terior, those who will live on your industry in collecting taxes, 
will soon ruin you with expenses, and then tell you — you cannot' 
now do without taxes. 



No. XL 



THE foundation of all society being the mutual good of all 
those who compose the ^50ciety ; the means by which that good is 
most effectually obtained and secured must be the best means. 
The experience of all times affords every man, with the least abili- 
ty to think, the means of forming his own opinions. No topics 
are more easy to be understood — and on none can so much infor- 
mation be had as on politics. The elements are the simplest of 
human concerns, and although artifice and wickedness have, for 
ages, succeeded in blinding the bulk of maiikind to their rights, 
int~ ?•■ sis, and /wwer ; the subject is not afterall so much concealed 
from the understanding, but that it may be approached, handled, 
and used. 

As the establishment of the good of all the members of a so- 
ciety, stale, or nation, is allowed even by despots to be their inte- 
rest and their object in governing, it does not follow that their va- 
riation, in practice, from their professions, renders the practice 
reasonable or consistent. The acknowlegements of despots are, 
in this instance, a plain confession of what their conduct ought to 
be; and that the rights oi mankind are eternal, and form, in truth, 
the first principle of human society. Every channel into which 
reason travels you discover the same principle under one form or 
another. It is that principle recognized by all legislators, only 
assuming different shapes under different circumstances — the righc 

of SELF-FMESERVAfJON. 

The right of self-preservation is not disputed byany species 
of government — and it extends from the right of a man to defend 
himself against an assassin, as well as against a bear or a tyger. 

The formation of society, is only a more extensive application of 
the right of self protection — it is numbers associating to protect 
each and every of the associators, against a number of bears or 
assassint. No doubt those who rule despotically over an ignorant 



43 

or corrupt people, make wars without occasion or necessity; but 
such is the force of the natural firinciples of general and special 
protection, that the greatest tyrant affects to be governed by the 
universal principle of self defence, by holding forth wars and all 
their concomitants, as necessary to the firoteccion or existence of 
the states 

It requires no stretch of discernment to discover, that whenever 
a society is placed in such a state, by those who either rule, or 
who are delegated to preserve society secure and happy, as that 
they could he no worse under the fear of bears or assassins; that 
the end of constituting society is totally frustrated and destroyed ; 
the order is reversed, and the dissolution of such a society is not 
so surprising as its existence. A state of society where millions 
are debased and degraded, and a few aggrandized in lazy luxury 
and vicious idleness, must be exposed to miseries the most re- 
pugnant to the received axioms of humanity and morals ; and 
taking their situation into a comparison of ett'ects with causes, the 
convulsion of a day or a year, or ten or twenty years, is not so ter- 
rible as the silent and secret horrors of ages of protracted wars, 
miseries and desolations, excited by ambition, and never ending in 
the alleviation but augmenting human aftlictions. 

These, FARMERS OF AMERICA, are reflections which arise on a 
consideration of the taxes and o/i/iressed condition of a nation 
whose history forms the first volumes of your own ; and whose 
example is, with a wickedness next to impiety, daily and in every 
shape presented to you as a model of wisdom, and as the only ex- 
ample worthy of your imitation. 

All human concerns, are best understood by comparison ; it is 
the basis of the reasoning- power. You should ask, as politicians 
and as men solicitous to preserve happiness co yourselves and pos- 
terity — you should ask, when any tuhlic o;>ject, foreign or do- 
mestic, is pi-eferred to your judgmeiU. — d,/ bono? JVImt g<.od is 
it to produce? JVhat was the 77rcf:-:xitr ? i.'hat tvas t/ic cause? 
Could it not be done without? Qucatioiis like ib.tse lead to a proper 
understanding; and unless yoo ask such tjneslions and examine 
them, it is impossible that you can ever judge of public mea- 
sures, or derive any advantage from history or experience. 

Ask the question — IVhy did Great Biifc.in end avor to tax the 
United States? The answer is a volume of useful instruction for 
you ; compare the effects on yourselves with similiu" effects on 
others. What good did her efforts to ens'id^e t'lis continent pro- 
duce ? — Was there a necessity ? Could it be done without? These 
questions all answer themselves. And they apply equally to the 
whole of the v.-ars in which she was engaged for seventy years 
of the last century? But a question is passed — ivhat ivas the cause? 
What the effect? ' 

The cause was that the people, vi\\o fight ^ suffer and pay for all 
wars, suffered the power to be wrested from their hands. The 
interests of their peace and happiness they trusted for too long a 
time to deputies ; and the people becam- supine irom the waht of 
a prompt and adequate control. The cause was then in the wicked- 



»ess of the public agents, and the weakness of judgment and want 
of precaution and discernment in the people ; the effect, enormous 
debts, taxes and gain. 

The same principles apply universally — to all governments as 
well as that of England — and if you do not take warning, and pre- 
caution, FARMERS OF AMERICA, it will be your fate likewise. Be 
you watchful, jealous, but generous in rewarding those who serve 
you faithfully— inflexibly and eternally shut out from your confi- 
dence, any man who once betrays you, or who, to serve a petty pur- 
pose of his own, sacrifices your rights and interests. 

"We have thought these reflections necessary in accompanying 
our continuation of the view of English taxes — and the American 
farmer will, as he goes along, ask at each item, Cui bono? — And 
he will, on recurring, at leisure, to history, find answers in the 
ambition of kings, the corruption of courtiers, the profligacy of 
statesmen, and the degradation and ignorance of the people. Ask 
yourselves how you should like to see your horses taxed at the fol- 
loTi^ing rates — which is now the tax paid under the government 
which is held out to you as an example :— - 
Tax on Horses. 

For one horse, mare, or gelding, kept for riding or drawing a carriage chargeable 

with the carriage duty, or hired for one year or more, per annum, /^2 8 

For 2 years, • ;C4 For 12 years, . . 5 5 

3 . .480 13 ... 5 5 6 

4 . . . 4 11 14 . 5 5 6 

5 . 4 12 15 . ..556 

6 ... 4 16 16 . .556 
r . . 4 18 17 . -.560 

8 . . 4 18 18 . 5 6 5 

9 ...500 19, ..570 
40 ... 5 5 20 . 580 
11 . . . 5 5 

Class II. — Horses let to hire, 
for every one let to hire for any period less than a year . ;^ 2 8 

Class III.—£acers. 
For every racer or running horse . . . . 2 8 

Another class, comprehends horses, mares, geldings, and mules, of an 

inferior value — annual charge . . . . 12 6 

Inferior rack rpnt, tenant's horses . . . - 2 6 

A distinction is made in favor of Scotland and Wales, where two 

horses of the latter description are taxed . . 2 6 

Horses not of 13 hands (of 4 inches) high not chargeable. 

Exp:mptions — Horses, See. of the king and any of the royal fa. 
lYiily — post masters, poor rectors and vicars, volunteer officers. 

Look at this last paragraph of exemptions — and consider the 
amount of the sums paid out of the sweat of the brows, and the 
produce of the lands, to the English royal family ; — but you for- 
get these things; they have been published in the newspapers — you 
have read them, and forget them ; we shall refresh your memory 
when we close this series. The next is the dogs — and even, the 
royal dogs appear to be among the bes( blood of the nation, fc 
they are a firivile^ed order ,' 



45 

Dogs. 
Eor every greyhound, hound pointer, setter, spaniel, lurcher, terrier, where more 
rhan two are kept . ~ - . ^ 10 

For every dog not of these descriptions, where there is only one . 6 
Exemptions — The king's dogs and other dogs of the royal fa- 
mily — persons who keep packs of dogs may compound for JQ 30 a 
year. 

Horse Dealers. 
Every trader or dealer in horses in London and its precincts, annual 

licence . . . . . . ^^20 

In any other part of England . . . . 10 

Hair Powder, 
Every person who wears or has worn powder in the hair, annual sum 110 
Exemptions — The king and royal family, and their servants-— 
afficers in army or navy — poor clergymen. 

Armorial Bearings. 
The American reader is to understand this to be a privilege for 
wearing a kind oi barbarous hieroghj/ihics called heraldic or armorial 
devices — as a tax upon folly, perhaps it is the only laudable tax ia 
the book — but even his majesty and all the royal family are ex- 
empted from this tax — the ordinary annual fee for this folly is, for 
Every coach upon which the hieroglyphics are painted, . . £,2 2 <i 

The next specimen of the stuperidous fabric of human wisdom- 
is the property tax, it abounds with matter for your questions. — 
Do not pass those subjects over like a game at whist or cribbage. 
They concern you more than your amusements, for they go to the 
root of human society ; and as the farmer is ivise or foolish, must 
the root prosper or perish — there is no other chance. 

Class I. — Property Ta.\, 
On landlords, for all lands, tenements, &c. for every 20 shillings 

amiual value thereof, 10 per cent, or two shillings. 
Class II. 
The annual value of all the properties described to be the full 

amount for one year of the profits received. 

1. Of all tithes belonging to any lay imjirojiriator, if taken in kind, 

on an average of three preceding years. 

2. Of all dues in lieu of tithes (not arising from lands) belonging 

to any imiirofiriator. 

3. On all tithes (arising from lands) if compounded for. 

4. On manors and royalties, on an average of the seven preceding- 

years. 

5. On fines in consideration of a demise of lands. 

6. On all other profits arising from lands. 

Class in. 

Where the annual value is to be understood to be the full 
amount for one year on the average profits. 

All tithes belonging to ecclesiastics — average of preceding years. 

All dues in right of a church endowment, &:c. 

All quarries of stone, slate, lime stone, or amount profits pre- 
ccdUig year. 



46 

MJaes of coal, tin, lead, copper, mundic, iron, and other mines 
on an average of 5 years. 

Iron works, salt springs or works, alum mines or works, water 
•works, streams of water, canals, inland navigation, docks, drains, 
and levels, fishings, rights of markets, fairs, tolls, ways, bridges, 
ferries, and other concerns. 

Tennant's Tax. 

For all dwelling houses, lands, &c. charged an annual rent, for 
every twenty shilli7igs, one shilling and six pence. 
Tax on Dividends. 

Upon all profits arising from annuities^ dividends and shares of 
annuities^ payable to any person, societies, or corporate body, out 
of every 20 shillings — t\vo shillings. 

Upon the annual profits or gains accruing to any fiersoft residing^ 
in Great Britain, from any property whatever, in or out of Great 
Britain — out of every 20 shillings, 2 shillings. 

Upon the annual profits or gains accruing to any person, whe- 
ther subjects of his Britannic majesty or not, although not resident 
in Grea\.B,nta.m,fro77i any pro/2er(y whatever \n Great Britain, or 
jany profession, trade, employment or vocation exercised in Great 
Bi'itain — two out of every twenty shillings. 

Duty on all annual interest not otherwise charged, upon all an- 
nuities, yearly interest of money, payable within or out of Great 
Britain — two out of every 20 shillings. 

Upon every public employment of profit, annuity, pension, sti- 
pend, payable out of the public revenue, two shillings out of every 
20 shillings. 



No. XII. 



LORD Chatham, whose sagacity and genius every one must 
acknowlege, however loosely they may consider his morality and 
integrity, saw very early the eFTects of the inordinate lust of domi- 
nion, and the blindness with which the British government pur- 
sued every species of taxation, which the ingenuity of pov^er could 
foster, and poverty devise. He very early remonstrated against 
the course pursued by the Briiish cabinet. When an application 
was made to tlie minister of the day, (lord North, 1774) to qualify 
or alter certain particulars in the hostile system adopted, lord 
North said — " It ?'.? vain to makr ohjedions, the king luiU have it 
a so ! — His majesty is determined to try the qnestion with America.'" 
Farmers of America, the question was tried., and it now remains 
with you to rea'ii the fruits of the trial. It cost great expense and 
many lives; what has the loser gained? The taxes which we ai*e 
cxhiiiiting in these papers are only parts of the effects — the wars of 
the last fifteen years ai'e in a great measure to be attributed to 
ihe same causes. 



47 

To try the question at that period, the same System was pursued 
T,vhich has been pursued since. " The system pursued by lord 
" p>ute^ that of liiring numbers of newspapers, and writers, in 
" England, and on the continent, [and in America] and publishing 
" a number of pamphlets." The writers of that day, so employed, 
have been, some of them, men of great literary qualifications — 
Dr. Sam Johnson, sir John Dalrymple, James Macpherson., Sleivartf 
Lind, Knox, (of South Carolina) Maiiduit, 8cc. &c. 

Having mentioned lord Chatham, we shall quote a sentiment o£ 
his, pertinent to present circumstances and the discussion in hand; 
it is contained in a letter from lord Chatham to Stephen Say re, one 
of the sherifls of London, and is dated August 15, 1774: 

' Every step on the side of government (the English) seems calculated to drive 
' the Americans into open resistance, vainly hoping to crush the spirit of liberty 
' in tint vast continent, at one blow ; but millions must perish before the seeds 
* of freedom will cease to grow and spread in so favorable a soil ; and in the meau 
' time devoted England must sini herseif under the ruins of kir o-u-n foolish and 
' df:vated system of destruction.^* 

Another from a speech in January, 1775 : — 

' You may destroy their towns, and cut them off from the superfluities, perhaps 
' the conveniences of life; but they are piepared to despise your power, and 

' would not lament their loss while they have What? my lords! their ^oot/* 

' and their liberty.' 

It is remarkable that on the introduction of the American stamfi 
act into the British parliament, there was only one member that 
had the resolution and the honesty to stand up and vote against it 
— that was general Conivay. 

These little histoi-ical illustrations are offered at once to relieve 
the dryness of an odious subject, that of the tax on stamps, and to 
call the attention of the farmer to study at his leisure those histo^ 
rles, in which are described the origin and progress of those great 
events which have placed America in a situation superior to any 
nation on the globe. 

The following is a sketch of the stamp duties paid in England^ 
— and from a subjection to which you first escaped by the revolu- 
tion of 1776, and next from a revolution of party in 1800. 
Stamps. 
Stamp on the contract of a solicitor, clerk or attorney in 

the courts of Westminster, 
In any ether part of England or Wales, 
Assignment of articles, 
Admittance of attorney, clerk, advocate, proctoa-, notary. 

or other officer, in any court in England, 
Solicitor, attorney, &.c. &.c. if not admitted three years, 

yea;ly, 
If three years or more, yearly,- 

* I'his incident recalls to our memory the case of Stephen Sayre, a man who 
remains to this hour unpaid for money expended on public service during our revo- 
lution, and against whom toryi^'m and English influence have kept up from that 
day to this an hostility that goes very near to \erify the opprobiimi of ingratitude 
cast upon republics. — Mr. Sayre's claims are not for regard, Twhich by the bye 
he has a fair claim to) but for money actually laid out ! 



LIO 








55 








1 


10 





20 








10 








10 









48 



Any other part of Great Britain but London, yearly, 

If three years and more, yearly, 

Special pleaders* draftsmen in equity, conveyancers' cer- 
tificate, yearly, 

Warrant to any attorney, &c. to defend a suit to the va- 
lue of 40 shillings ; — stamp 

A writ or mandate out of any court in Westminster, 

Bail, special or common, in any court. 

Bail bond. 

Assignment of bail, 

liecognizance. 

Appearance in an action, 

Declaration, plea, replication, each, 

Copy thereof. 

Every sheet in plea, &c. over the first sheet, 

Record of nisi prius, or postea. 

Judgment of court, 

Inquisition before a sheriff, 

Writ of error, or writ of certiorari. 

Entry of action in mayor's court. 

Affidavit in court of law. 

Copy do. 

Affidavits out of court, 

Bill, answer, plea, replicatioi;, ur any other pleading in 
equity. 

Copy thereof. 

For "every ninety words abo.i; the first ninety a further duty of 

Interrogatories in equity, 

Depositions in equity by commissioners. 

Deposition not by commission. 

Copies each, 

Every ninety words above first ninetv , 

Rule or order in coui-t of law or equity, 

Summons by a judge, 

Order made by a judge. 

Office cojyv of rule or order. 

Every skin of parchment or sheet of paper of such edpy, 
a further duty, 

Decree of dismission in chancery or exchequer. 

Ecclesiastical Stamps. 
As we have nothing of church supremacy in America (thank 
God) this detail of the head of stamp duties would be in many 
particulars incomprehensible — we shall therefore only state, that 
they are about as numerous in the ecclesiastical courts as in the 
common law and equity courts ; consistinii; of monitions, citations, 
allegations, answers, final decrees, commissions, inventories, cer- 
tificates, testimonials, marriage licenses, certificates of marriage, 
dispensations, matriculations, registers, entries, presentations, do- 
nations, collations, licenses, copy or extract of wills, probates, 
letters of administration, appeals from courts of admiralty, court 
of arches, prerogative court, Sec. requiring stamps from 4 shillings 
to 30 pounds I 

Admiralty Stamps. 

The English admiralty courts, are two s/iecial, and two oi a/ifieal ; 
the first or instance court, exists during peace, and is professedly 
governed by the ancient Roman civil law of Oleron, or in other 
words the law that most favors the policy of the government ; 



;6'3 3 





6 





10 





5 





5 





2 


6 


2 


6 


2 


6 


r 





2 


6 


G 


4 





4 





4 


10 





10 





10 





1 





2 


6 


2 


6 


2 


6 


2 





5 








4 


0' 


4 


5 





5 








4 





4 


@ 


4 


2 


6 


1 





2 


6 


2 


6 


2 





1 


6 



49 

but from this there is an appeal to the chajicery court. The se* 
cond is the firize court, usually established during war only ; from 
this court the appeal is to a committee of the king's privy council, 
called lords of appeal. The forms of proceeding in all their courts 
are in writing or /iriyuing ! a circumstance necessary to estimate 
the additional oppression oi stam/ia to the usual extortion of/2roc». 
tors and court lawyers. 

As unfortunately American citizens have had too much to do in 
English admiralty courts, we give the detail of the stamps requisite 
even in seeking justice. 

Libel, allegation, inventory, deposition in courts of admiralty, or cinque ports, 

5 shillings each — copy four shillings — in Scotland one shilling less. 
Every sheet after the ilrst, each, 4 shillings. 

Bail bond or recognizance, 30 do 

Affidavit in admiralty court, 5 do 

Copy also, 5 do 

And for every additional sheet^ 4, do 

Warrant of court, 13 do 

Citation or monition, 20 do 

Answer, 5 do 

Interlocutory decree, 20 do 

Copy of any of the preceding, 5 do 

And each extra sheet, 4 do 

Sentence, attachment of sentence, or relaxation of sentence, 

each, 30 dO 

Writ of appeal, 20 do 

Letter of marque, 40 do 

Stamps on Deeds. 
This class of articles comprehends a number of particulars with 
which the American farmer is fortunately ignorant but from infor- 
mation ; but there are many which correspond with deeds in com- 
mon use among us. That nue were saved from them all we should 
Tiever forget to thank the creator of heaven and earth. 
Deeds, or instruments of conveyance, surrender, lease, release, grant, appoint- 
ment, confirmation, assigpimcnt, transfer, covenant, or other obligatory instru- 
ment enrolled or registered, or not ; upon any number of words not amounting 
to 30 law sheets, 70 words to a sheet ; together with every schedule, receipt 
thereon, &c. £. 1 10 — For every entire 15 sheets above the first, a furth.er 
^um of 20 shillings. 

Copy, or attested copy, 

Every ten sheets above the first ten, further duty of 
Copy for any other than the parties tp the deed, on every 

twenty common law sheets or less, each. 
Certificate of sale of crown lands, worth exceeding te<i 

])ouads, 
Surre\ider of copy hold under 20 shillings per annum, 
Above that sum. 

Admittance to a copy hold, under 20 shillings, 
Above tliat sum. 

Copy of surrender to any custom, right, &c. of 20 shil- 
lings value; 
E.Yceeding that sum. 

Lease by copy of court roll, under 20 shillings, 
Above that sum. 

Deed of mortgage, not exceeding £ 100 
From 100 to 300 
:100 to 500 

7 



10 


do 


'ery 




1 


do 


teii 




30 


do 


5 


do 


15 


do 


5 


do 


15 


do 


>fiu- 

5 


do 


15 


do 


5 


do 


15 


do 


/:i 10 


do 


2 


do 


T 


*> 



60 

From ^'500 to 1000 
1000 to 2000 
2000 to 3000 
3000 to 4000 
4000 to 5000 
5000 to 10,000 . 
10,000 to 15,000 
15,000 to 20,000 
20,000 and upwards, 
Over and above the first 15 sheets, a further sum of 
Bond, commonly called a mortgage bond, or bond 

given as a collateral security. 
Deed, or other instrument of transfer, 
And for every 15 common law sheets, a further duty of 
Writ of covenant, 
"Writ of entry, 

Exernplirication, or seal of court. 
Award under hand and seal, 

And forever^ fifteen common law sheets, further duty, 
Charter party, or any memorandum, note or letter be- 
tween an owner of a vessel and a merchant, 
And for every «her fifteen law sheets, further duty, 
Lease of lands. 
And further fifteen law sheets, 
An Agreement, 

No agreement is valid in England, but what bears a stamp — a 
verbal agreement cannot be taken in evidence ! ! ! 

And for every further 15 sheets, £ 1& shillings. 

Memorial for register of deeds. 

Copy of ditto, 

Memorial for registering an annuity, 

Bond of any kind whatsoever for a sum not exceeding 

;C20 

And for every 15 sheets further. 
Bonds under the customs and laws. 
Bonds given as security for any sum of money not ex- 
ceeding £ 100 



/,'4 shillinga 


5 


do 


6 


do 


7 


do 


8 


do 


10 


do 


12 


do 


15 


do 


20 


do 


■ 1 
,1 


do 


a 

15 


do 


1 10 


do 


f 20 


do 


2 


do 


2 


do 


3 


do 


1 10 


do 


, 20 


do 


be- 




1 10 


do 


20 


do 


20 


do 


20 


do 


16 


do 



Prom 100 to 


300 


300 to 


500 


500 to 


1000 


1000 to 


2000 


2000 to 


3000 


3000 to 


4000 


4000 to 


5000 


5000 to 


10,000 


10,000 to 15,000 


15,000 to 


20,000 


20,000 and upwards" 



10 


do 


5 


do 


20 


do 


»g 




1 


da 


15 


do 


15 


do 


1 


do 


1 


do 


2 


do 


3 


do 


4 


do 


5 


do 


6 


do 


7 


do 


9 


do 


;^.12 shilling: 


15 


do 


20 


do 



Indenture of AppRENXicESHir. 
Premiums are generally given Avith children in England, when 
apprenticed to any art or trade — the stamps are thus regulated by 
the premium given r 

W here £ 10 sterling is given as an apprentice's fee, ;C ^ ^^ shillings. 

From 10 to 20 1 10 do 

20 to 50 2 10 do 

50 to 100 5 do 

100 to 300 12 do 

30y and upwards', 20 do 



51 

AssigTiment of indfnture, 35 shUlrngs. 

Passport, 3 do 

BiUoflading, 

Protest, 

Any notarial act luhaterer. 

Debentures for drawbacks. 

Procuration, 

Letter or power of attorney, 

For every further 15 sheets, 

Transfer of bank stock. 

Statute-staple, 

Statute-merchant, 

Transfer of stock in any sbtjety 'Tcbatcver- 
Exeeeding;^ 200 sterling, 
y rem £ 200 to 300 
" 300 to 400 
400 to 500 
500 to 1000 
1000 to 2000 
2000 to 3000 
3000 to 5000 
5000 to 10,000 
10,000 and upwards. 
Policy of insurance for houses. 
Policy for ships not exceeding 20 pounds, 
For every fiii-ther hundred pounds. 
When the premium exci^eds tweiity pounds, 
For every further hundred pounds, 
AVhen the premium exceeds one hundred pounds, 
For every further hmidred pounds, 
Commission or deputation by the commissioners of ex- 
cise, 
Admission into any company, 
Admittance as a fellow of a college cf physicians, 
Admittance into any inn or court of chancery. 
Degree in any court of chancery, 
Warjant for army or navy. 
Warrant for ought beneficial , 
Grant from his majesty, exceeding ofte hundred pounds, 

to pay the duty passing the great seal only, 
Of any officer, exceeding 50 pounds per annum, 
Exceeding one hundred pounds. 
Grant of any honor, liberty, ov privilege, 
Letters patent under the great seal, 
Exempliticationof such grant. 
Specification oi a. patent or discovery. 
Grant of lands, or other profit under the great seal, 
where the consideration money exceeds 10 pounds, 
a duty of 20 

Keep in tnetnory, farmers of America, that you have escaped 
these stamp taxes twice — and that if ever they are revisited upon 
you, it will be either the efTect of your coi-ru/iiion^ your being too 
easily duped by artful and selfish politicians — or by your neglecting 
to fortify your children with knoivlege through an early and efiec- 
*ive system of education". 



3 


do 


5 


do 


5 


do 


4 


do 


20 


do 


20 


do 


20 


do 


7s 


9d 


20 shillings 


20 


do 


£1 10 shillings, 


2 10 


do 


3 


do 


3 10 


do 


5 


do 


7 10 


do 


10 


do 


12 10 


do 


17 10 


do 


20 


do 


1 


shilling. 


1* 


3d 


1 


3 


2 


6 


2 


7 


5 





5 





^1 10 shillings. 


1 


do 


20 


do 


20 


do 


50 


do 


12, 


f. 6^. 


1 


10 


16 





8 1 





20 





20 





20 





20 





5 






5^ 



No. XIII. 



AN English emissary, of the name of Cullen, pays these essays 
olio of the most grateful compliments which, next to public appro- 
bation, could be bestowed upon them. A republican paper at New 
York, from the pressure of local discussion and other matter, has 
not copied and republished this series of essays — the English emis- 
sary triumphs in the omission, and attributes it to a very different 
cause; nay, makes it a merit that /?o'/;er« directly addressed to the 
common sense of the great bulk of the American nation — the se- 
X'cnteen-tiventiethfi^ is excluded from even one republican paper. 

These papers however have been republished, or the republica- 
tion commenced, in some one or more newspapers, in every state 
of the union, excepting only Ddavjare. 

But the best evidence of their truth is, that the enemies of our 
governmenr, and the revilers and calumniators of our institutions, 
are as much depressed and displeased, as the great body of the 
people are gratified at the simple, though hasty, the irrefutable, 
though immelhodical, series of warnings from experience, and 
from evidence, which we have thrown out in this shape. 

The American farmer should never omit as he goes along — . 
making this reflection — *' Had our rex^olution not succeeded we should 
" now be subject to the same oppressions as the people in England 
" are at this day, from the wickedness of its system of policy and 
" government." 

And he should add to this reflection another — « Taxation and 
" tyranny grow up imperceptibly — the first stamp duty was a penny 
" a sheet — it is now four pence — the first funded debt of England 
" was a million, it is now 600,000,000 pounds sterling." 

Such reflections should accompany the perusal of every head of 
taxes, which we offer as an example of the blessings of the most 
stupendous fabric of human wisdorn 1 ! ! 

We shall now continue our extracts of English taxes. 



License Stamps. 






For selling beer. 


^2 2 





For selling hats in London, 


2 





Do. out of London, 


5 





Selling meaicine in London, 


2 





Do." out of London, i\\ a corporate towu, 


10 





Do. elsewhere, 


5 





Pawnbroker in London, 


10 





Do. elsewhere, 


.5 





Lottery offices in London, 


50 





Do. out of London, 


50 





To let horses to hire, 


5 





Stage coaches with 4 passenger;,, 


5 





Do carrying more than 10, 


9 






Recollect, reader, these taxes are to be renewed annually. 
These are the blessings of a funded debt!! 



53 

The next head contains a series of items which go to illustrate 
the constitutional speech of our most excellent governor at the 
opening of the legislature — and we may therefore call it 

INFORMATION FOR M'KEAN. 

Newspaper anu Pamphlet dpty. 
Every newspaper, 
Every other half sheet. 
Pamphlets in half sheet, 

Do. larger. 
Almanacs, 
Perpetual almanac, 

Every pamphlet, containing an ahmanac, 
l)o. perpetual, 

Advertising ix Newspapeb. 
For every advertisement, 3 

Pamphlets, books or papers, larger than one whole sheet, 

and for every other sheet, 2 

Playing cards pea- pack, 2 G 

We would recommend to our worthy governor to study the aboyu 
taxes on newspa/iers a?id /unn/i/ilets. 

Now again — more information for our federal merchants and 
John Adams's stamp men : 



£0 


3 1-2 





3 1-2. 





1-» 





1 


1 





10 





1 





U 10 


p 





C 


OMMERCIAL StAMPS. 


Promissary notes- 


-for 21 


shillings^ 


From^^lto 2 






2 to 5 






5 to 20 






Bill of exchange. 


on demand, 


Do. after sight, 




From ;C 5 to 


30 




30 to 


50 




50 to 


100 




100 to 


200 




•■ 200 to 


500 





500 to 1000 
1000 and upwards, 

Look here again federalists and federal quids. 

For every receipt or discharge %vhatpx-er, amounting to /^ 2, ajid 

not exceeding 10, 
From 10 to 20 
20 to 50 
50 to 100 
100 to 200 
200 to 500 
500 and upwards. 
Receipt, discharge, or acquittance, or any writing whatever, 
which shall contain or express, or in any manner settle an ac- 
count, or when the account is expressed or balanced j'or aiiy suni 
ivbaieijer, and acknowleged to be in full, 5 

Next comes duties on probates, letters of administration, and le- 
gacies — let us see what " blessings" are summed up under this 
head — farmers, her^ they arc, judge for yoiir^elves—and a pretty 
list indeed. 



£0 





S 








6 








9 





1 











8 





1 








1 


6 





2 








3 








4 








5 








7 


6 


10 





ajid 











2d. 







4 







8 




i*. 




2 







3 







5 






54 



£.0 10 



2 








5 








8 








11 








15 








22 








30 








40 








50 








60 








)0O 





e 



Jor every probate of wUl from £ 20 to 100 
From 100 to 200 
200 to 300 
300 to 450 
450 to 600 
600 to 800 
800 to 1000 
, 1000 to 1500 
1500 to 2000 
2000 to 3500 
3500 to 5000 
And so on in the same ratio, up tO;^ 500,000 which pays £ 600O 
Next comes p,ame licenses. 

That is, a/armer dares not kill a patridge unless he possesses 
/T 100 per annum, and then not without paying a game license of 
/.' 3 3 annually. 

Insurance Duties. 
On every /^ 100 of stock on houses, or any property, yearly, 2^. 6d. 

Hats. 
Every hat, incU'.cliug trimmings, value 4>?. 
From 4 to 7 
7 to 12 
12 to 18 
18 and upwards. 

Plate. 
Every ounce of gold. 
Every ounce of silver, 

Medicines 
For ever\ pachitjc, or '>o\\ or vial, 
Value from 1 to 2 shiUings, 

do 2?. 6a'. to 4 do 

do 10 to 20 do 

do 20 10 30 do 

do 30 to 50 do 

dp 50 and upwards, . . 20 

Pay so much tax for curing a disorder, and when recovered — only 
to.yvake to slavery ! 






3 





6 


1 





<-> 





3 





16 





1 








11 





3 


1 





2 





3 


u 


10 






Post Horses, 
Stage Coache'; 



For every mile, 

Forcsery 7uik, 

If 6 passengers, .... 

If 10 passengers. .... 

Race Horses. 
For eveiy horse, every time he enters to run on any 

course, . • . . • ;^*2 2 & 

Game Licenses. 
Every person who shall have a dog or gim, shall deliver 
in his name, under the penalty of ;^ 20. 
Appsaisementk. 
For every sheet of paper containing an appraisement of 50 

pounds, 
From 50 to 100 
100 to 200 
200 to 500 
500 and v-pwards, 



11-2 



21-2 
5 



2s. 


ba 


5 





10 





15 





20 






2s 


. 61 


5 





10 





5 





20 























2 





5 






55 

Now for legacies— here farmers is a stamp ta;5C — in reality^, here 
are the blessings of a national debt — here are the blessings of a mo- 
narchy in perfection — read them with attention. 

Upon any legacy of 20 pounds or more, given by will for the benefit of any 

cbild or descendant of any child, for every 100 pounds, Is. 

To a brotbtr or sister, for every 100 pounds, . . 2 \0d. 

Brother or sister of a father or mother, for every £ 100 4 

A brother or sister of a grand-father or grand-mother — for 

every ;(; 100 . . . . .5 

For the benefit of any of^e;-/)erso«, ... .8 

N. B. — The royal family are exempted from any duties undei- 
ihis act. 

AH these duties are payable exclusive of a stamp recei/ii to be 
given by former acts on the receipt of any legacy. 

Wives, children, or grand children, when the amount is £ 30 or 
under, ... ... 

From 20 to 100 

100 and upwards, .... 

Any other descendant, or the father or tiie mother, to 
pay for a legacy of y^ 20 

20 to 100 

100 to 200 . . . . £2 

200 additional, ..... 3 

300 additional, ..... 4 

Ai\6 for a7iy further 100 im additional 
Evei-y stranger, for a legacy under £ 20, . . 

Farmers^ make your calculations — those are the blessings the 
British agents, and spies, and Americans ^' tvarmly federal^'' want 
to make you partakers of — will yon accept the boon ? 

Ask yourselves the old question of the Roman orator — cui bono? 
What good has been produced by those taxes? Are they the better 
or the worse ? Were these taxes laid for their good ? 

You will be told that they were necessary. How necessary? 
The country was involved in wars. By nvhom? You will be told 
that it was by the jealousy or enmity of their neighbours. But 
you see them engaged in the present war to restore those very 
enemies of which they have pretended to complain for ages, and 
who in turn complained of them, and both of whom were alike cul- 
pable. 

There are two clues to the mysteries of English taxation, but 
one growing out of the other. 

The prime source of evil /.v the furm. and system of government-'— 
of which wc gave you a siaull specimen in the sums consumed by 
the royal family. 

The next is the wars in Avhich the nation has been involved to 
keep up and strengthen tliat system ; only consider tlit i'ollowing: 
facts — which shew the source gf the taxes in tlic second degree. 
From irOO to 1701 Peace, ■ -ar;?, 2 

1702 to 1712 War, 11 

1715 to 1717 Peacoj 5 

1718 to 1720' War. "I- 

1721 to 1738 Peace, 18 

1739 to 1747 War, ) 



06 

El-om 1748 to 17oa Peace, jCars, 9 

IT 56 to 1?'63 War, 8 

ir64 to 1774: Peace, 10 

1775 to 1783 War, 9 

1784 to 17i*2 Peace, 9 

1793 to 1807 War, 15 

In these wars of little more than a century, are not compre- 
Jiended any of the wanton aggressions of Falkland Islands, Nootlca 
Sound and Octhakoflf armaments, nor the wars of Mysore. 

These wars are the means by which enormous debts and taxeg- 
were rendered ricc-essary. 

And which have gradually progressed to the misery of the Eng- 
lish people — the impending ruin of her independence as a nation, 
and the overthrow of every power in Europe — Say ! will you g« 
the same road ? 



No. XIV. 



THAT was a most animating spectacle which was lately ex- 
hibited in Baltimore. A musical festival was held, to which each 
person who chose to be an auditor, subscribed a small sum for ad. 
mission. The proceeds were destined to purposes of charity — and 
congenial with so benevolent a purpose, the performers were com- 
posed of the members of 'vrinous Christian churches, and the audi- 
tors of every religious denomination. In what other country could 
such a spectacle be seen ? Where but in this could the voices of 
various sects be found united in the sweet concord of charity and 
toleration? — Farmers, you owe this all to your principles of go- 
vernment — such concord you could not see or hear any where else 
— the interests of other governmeiils depend upon imposture ; re- 
ligion is employed only as an engine of the state — the machinery 
of state is constructed upon principles the reverse of concord ; — it 
is constructed upon principles of discord. And a state church is 
employed at once to aggrandize one sect at the expense of all the 
rest, and to aid by its spiritui^i in/luenci', the political influence of 
other classes or factions of oppressors. ^ By the revolution of 1776 
you escaped this most impious of all the arts of state quackery. 

In Britain (for it is the example held out to us) no one tax is 
icund to coASolidate together the rnt^ri^ies of such a. g-ood g'overn- 
7ne7it, so well as //.'V.fi—lhat is, the tc:ith part of the produce of 
tvtvy fartner does, by law, belong to a clergyman of the establish- 
ed church — no matter whether the farmer i)elongs to that church 
or to another. The state cliurcJi must be supported — ^because it^ 
combines both temporal and spiritual iiiHuence. And the estab- ' 
lished clergy, in return for the favor of the fitate, act as sfiies to 
deliver over, with the assistance of the parish lawyer and parish 
exciseman^ for punishment, eyeiy dccluimcr against too much cner«" 
^y in government. 



57 

The firivile^ed clergyman adds spiritual excommunication ill 
Britain — to the terrors of regular government. 

The tithes are wholly paid by the farmer — be he Calvanist or 
Quaker — Methodist or Seeker — he pays the tenth to the estab- 
Hshed church. 

Supposing a farmer were to rent three hundred acres of land, 
and offer the clergyman one hundred of them instead of tithes — and 
heside payi}ig the rent for the clergyman — think you he would accept 
the land, even wiih the rent paid i 

No, he would not ! 

His tenth of the produce would be better in Britain than one 
third of the land after defraying charges of cultivation — for farmers 
in England are generally renters. 

The farmers, in the first place, pay the rent — 

Secondly, tlie land ta:r, and all the other taxes, we have enume- 
Vated in preceding numbers. 

Thirdly, the wages of his servants, and the expense of his house 
and farming utensils. 

Fourthly, plowing, manuring and sowing. 

Fifthly, reaping. 

And after the farmer has incurred all this expense and labor«- 
then comes the established clergyman — but not till then ! 

The fai'mer, when his wheat is cut, must put it up in the field 
in sheaves of ten in each heap — 

Then the clergyman comes and picks out one of the best; if 
there is one heap in every ten that looks bigger than the others, 
that is certain to go to the established church. 

The farmer is obliged to put his barley, and oats, and hay also in 
heaps ; and the clergyman gathers up every tenth heap in like 
manner — he takes his choice, one out of every ten I 

The farmer dares not touch any of his own property, the pro- 
duce of his labor and expense, till he has given notice to the cler- 
gyman ; and even then the parson may suffer his tenth parts to re- 
main in the field — 48 hours — and the poor farmer dares not turn 
in his hogs, or his turkeys, or poultry, the while I 

These various articles, however, are only what ai'e called the 
great tithes I 

After that the farmer is obliged to pay to the established church 
a composition for feeding and pasturing his own cattle. Sec. kc. — 
and these are called the little tithes I 

Then for the farmer's ivif' — 

She, poor woman, comes under the parson's clutches* 

She must carry to the parson's house — every tenth chicken-"^ 

Every tenth goose, turkey, and duck — 

Every tenth egg, and roasting /tig — 

The tenth of her apples, and peaches, and pears, and cherries. 

And more, she must pay a composition for the cabbage, thyme, 
onions, cellery, parsley, &c. Sec. of her garden. 

If a poor man has only one hen, and that hen hatches seve7i chick- 
ens, the parson takes one, notwitiistanding ; it was not the parson's 
fault if the hen had not ten instead of seven — the same of the lit" 
ters of pigs : the same of geese, &c.-— the lavos give it him' 
8 " 



This must be a stupendous fabric of human wisdom— :/br Lhc 
pamona of the established church ! ! I 

Then the clergyman takes the tenth calf — also for the established 
church. 

He has the tenth part of the milk every day. 
Or if the parson chooses the whole milk of every tenth day — he 
may make the choice. 

Many a poor poor calf and hog goes with a hungry belly in En- 
gland, every tenth day — but who will be so Jacobinical as to say the 
government was made for calves? Or that John Bull is only a 
GREAT CALF for Submitting to it? 
• Then comes Easter dues. 

Farmers of America, do you know what Easter dues are ? 
It is curious to see the poor agricultural laborers (the clodpoles) 
in Britain, whose children are almost starving, or feeding on their 
barley cakes, lugging the tenth of their scanty produce, of their 
gardens — their eggs, their poultry, and with tears, knocking at the 
door of a minister of a church called Christian ! 

There is energy for you ! " O 1 how degraded are the United 
" States, by a Jacobinical democratical government, such as they 
<' noiv Aa-ye," said a "■ waritily federal'\friend lately. 

Had the system of 1797-8 succeeded, we should have had more 
energy — and in time, farmers of America, your children might 
have -^2^6. Easter dues — what a misfortune that iJz^j-r missed the em- 
pire 1 the vicar general of Mexico no doubt made tithes a part of 
the convention. — It Was a part of the concordat of the quid em- 
pire ! 

Well, the clergyman prefers receiving tithes of one tenth of the 
produce, rather than to have one third of a plantation for a gift 11 

But the clergyman of the established church is a politica' arith- 
metician ; the taxes are so heavy that he is considerably the gain- 
er, bv refusing one third of the land and taking a tenth of the 
produce. 

TXw: farmers often have bad crops in Britain, like other coun- 
tries — by bad crops, bad harvest, by heavy poor rates, or the death 
of his hoi'ses and cattle, he is, as elsewhere, a considerable loser by 
his farm ; and very often his stock is seized to pay the rent, to the 
" best blood of the couJitry." 

You would naturally conclude then, that the parson would make 
some little allowance; and if ihe law had neither justice nor gene- 
rosity in it, that the Christian parson would have some little feel- 
ing — that he would come in for some little share of the loss. 

But no, not a cent — the church, like the king, can do no wrong 
—the church of England is not like the. Jicpc infallible — it can only 
do no ivrong. 

Thefurvier might be ruined, his wife and family turned out of 

doors. -his childi*en crying for bread, but the parson, crop much or 

little — ^be the iveatfutr wet or dry — sweeps ofi" ivheat, hay, barley, 

calves, turkeys, ducks, geese, hogs, eggs, apples, pears, and parsley I 

The firmer may starve, but the tithe must be paid. 

This is tlic system held up for your admiration;, more admirable 



59 

than the discovery of the compass and all that — this is the state 
you, farmers of America, would have been reduced to ere long, 
had it not been for Jefferson's election, and the wise democratic po- 
licy of his administration. 

Tithe and excisemen, proctors, always go hand in hand — they are 
the chief support, the janisaries of energetic government — read 
this brief statement, — it contains a.mo7itiment that ought to exciie 
more curiosity and astonishment than the existence of the pyra- 
mids of Egypt — for its stupendous base. 

When the British agents and papers, and spies, and Cullens, call 
for an energetic government, they mean by it, all which we have 
enumerated — and more that we shall enumerate. 

Mauy /((feralisis who know nothing of Britain or British govern- 
ment but by hearsay — federalists, really well meaning men, but 
who fancy themselves '' a little bit of blood," those poor deluded 
men, we have seen gaping and swallov.ing and crediting the " cock 
and bull stories" of British spies — and believing every report of 
Britain which ihc papers in British pay relate. 

Arc Xho^t federalists ready to bend the neck to the taxes and the 
tithes we have enumerated ? 

Our expositions in the farmers' politics, we are happy to find, 
cat close — there are wretches xx^for hire who advertise themselves 
by rcvilinp- farmprs' politics — they cannot controvert, they cannot 
deny the truth of a fact stated in them — but they are hankering 
after the "flesh pots" — and they reprobate these essays, as an un- 
fortunate class of another sex hang out a. signal. 

And why ? because we rehue facts, undeniable facts, which can= 
not be palliated. 



No. XV. 



IT is a veiy common custom for the executive magistrates oi 
those states, whose capitals ai-e occasionally affiicted with the yel- 
Lov/ FEVER, to congratulate the citizeris whenever they escape 
fi'om its visitation. 

It is common (and laudable) for the clergy to offer their thanks 
to God for the exemption. 

And even the merchants arc as joyous as if they had made a good 
voyage uninsured. 

These things are n-tural — because they are matters between 
God and man — the ailiiction may be avoided in a great degree by 
a retreat in time — or by wise precautions against its inroads, 
through the chamicls of filth and uncleanness — 

But such is the inconsistency, or the contradictory nature- of 
man, that evils more durable and dangerous, because they carry 
contagion from generation r.o generation, and produce the deadly 



60 

disease of despotism and debasement— ^A^ mind's death in the liv 
zng man; this disease finds its ^^ay amongst us in ten thousand 
shapes, and yet we have no (juarantine laiv against it— the disease 
\ve allude to is foreign influence. 

Ii would be a subject well worthy of time and labor— to enter 
into a comparative analysis of the various shapes in which ydlov 
Jcvcr ^.m\Jorci;^n inihc.nct, affect the bodv corporate -and politic-1 
and to ascertain llu- -.■aHous mode, of attack, and the fiarticnlar 
■nibjcci. most exposed to the infection of each. Both diseases have 
one common appearance— in fact, both might, for that matter be 
characterised under the denomination of ndlow—or^U distini-uish. 
ing the fh'njsical from tht/coliticai. ^ 

'ihere is a feature, or as the physicians would say, a diagnostic^ 

common to the two diseases o *^ 

They do not pass and carry destruction beyond the tide -waters— 
we have them both in our cities, and no nvhcre else, unless now and 
then a vagrant case ; but such cases are deemed .s-/wradic or sinpu- 
lar — and convey no contagion. 

It is in our cities we see them exercise their dcadhj emjiirc— 
and either destroy or undermine the constitutions of all who come 
within their pestilential scope. 

^ What other diseases of the same type, but with some variation 
in the apficaranccs of the patients, these have generated, we shall 
noi go at length into the inquiry. The farmers and mechanics win 
Ketp in mind, the indisputable lact — 

That these diseases do not prevail nor produce the least danger 
—beyond the tide ivaters, or the atmosphere of our cities. 

" lVar7n fdn-alism" is only the same disease, with a differenl 
aspect; the disease in its violent character, appears first under the 
characteristic of " warm federalism"— and though yellonv fever 
comes only from the West Indies when there is a massacre or a 
war— the warm federal fever prevails most when we are most at 
peace and most solicitous to be so— but both are plagues— hoW 
equally deadly— hoxh equally to be shunned. 

However, '^ warm federalism'' is placed, by Burr's conspiracv, 
rather m an awkipard situation. r j 

Federalism has been the covert under which every thing t>enom- 

ous and traitorous has sheltered itself 

Under the wings of federalism the bats, the night owl; the birds 
of prey, nestled and brooded. 

Warm federalism, British agents, British s/nea, the Cobbetts, and 
Lullens, cjuiddis,n—7im\ at last in the full glare of treason— iSwrr-™ 
crept out from beneath the wings of federalism— Q.r\(l are all vindi- 
cated or connived at by warm federalism. 

How dreadful is the crisis of this disease when medicine is not 
timely administered ! 

^ The federalists have constantly held themselves up as the ''bes^ 
olood" of the country — 

This has been their regular cry. 

Jh^vul-gar, as Johnson has it, in Britain, arc—the ni^/,7?Vj mw/^/. 
nic{e. 



61 

In Connecticut the -<■ sainted pilgrims,^' call the men of industry 
and innocence, tag-raff. 

The, warm federalists and British agents, every where style 
5 hem — the vulgar. 

Burr asserts, — that hundrecUi of the beat blood of the Umtcd States, 
were in his conspiracy. 

Federalists have always called themselves the best blood — where 
there is presumed 'to be bcst^ that there must be worst follows— 
consequently it ^federalists he alluded to — when he talked of them 
as tliey talk of themselves — mechanics diXxA farmers, of course, are 
the worst. 

Those are plain understandable facts — they are not to be con- 
tradicted by all the sophistry of the '■'■nvariii JcderaV newspapers, 
who, by their vain hut flattering denunciations of our addresses tr> 
farmers and mechanics, show the cloven foot of the cabinet of St, 
James's, 

Why do not those tory Jia/iers i-Q\n\h\\sh our farmers' and me- 
<:hanics'/'.o////(s, and refute thcni? 

Why do tliey not let the persons who confine their ideas to 
their papers, judge for themselves whether our Jiolitics are those 
of an cneii:y to the United States? 

We have given in our politics io farmers, and in some of the 
aumbers to mechanics, a pretty good idea of the blessings of taxes. 

Of the blessings of the blood, birth, extraction of Britain. 

Burr applied to none but federalists as his leaders. 

You, federalists, who are really Americansj how can you get 
over these damning facts — how wipe away the stigma he has load- 
ed you with ? 

Burr's plans were to establish himself an emperor. 

And Burr apjilied io federalists, as if he knew that the general 
principles o{ federalism tended to monarchy. 

Aleclianics, as well usfar/rier.s, these remarks we throw before yon 
for your consideration — if any of you who are c&Wed federalists, and 
are only held by the principle without being participators in the 
iniquity carried on under the name — you have sufficient evidence 
before you of what federalism has been perverted to, by the resort 
of traitors to that party for the materials of destruction — if you 
have voted for the opposers of a democratic government, if you 
have supported the advocates of rjar, i^tandlng armies, fortifica- 
tions — 

Pause, we beseech you— "/or heaveri's sake, pause." 

Take the specimen of Burr, as the surest principles of the lead- 
ers oifederali&7n 1 

An emperor ! — you have had specimens of monarchy in the 
seven years' hor.ors of revolutionary war, carried on by George 
III. against yovi. 

You have specimens of monarchy, in tlie taxes of P.ritai:i — in the 
horrible slavery to which her population arc sulr,rctcd. 

In the list of taxes on servants,, which are divided into fnur 
classes, those who wait on the blood, birth, and extraction of Britain, 
xirc ranked the liighest in honor — many of them come here, and in 



62 

fealf a dozen years they talk of their nobility, and of " having served 
** their masters in stations suitable to their birth." 

Then comes what are called the third class, and in that class are 
enumerated : 

Persons who ride, or collect money, or settle accounts in the country ^ 
for merchants — 

Then book-keejiers or clerks-^ 

Then shofimeii or warehousemen ! 

Then laborers in husbandry, that is the farmers ; for you must 
observe that where there is nobility or no-ability, or best blood, the 
farmers arc put in the lowest class! 

What say these classes of persons, in the United States, to those 
distinctions ? 

Is the Aurora their enemy because it tells them the truth, and 
does not deceive them — or is it because it tells too 7nuch truth for 
them to bear ? 

If then these classes are registered as the lowest grades of ser- 
.'a?-'/5, that is, ranked with the unfortunate negroes — 

How much lower must the mechanics be deemed? 

Cobbett tells you, they are all paupers in England — that is beg- 
gars I 

jBurr's conspiracy calls on every real American, at the next elec- 
tion to exert himself; it calls on him to give his sacred vote for 
none but men who v^'ill support the principles of equality. 

Who invented the steam engine? Mechanics. 

Who invented r>.nd improved the fire engine ? Mechanics, 

Who invented and improved the loom ? Mechanics. 

YS'ho invented and improved all the machinery of mill work? 
Mechanics. 

Who build and improve the arts of navigating the sea in ships? 
Mechanics. 

.By all their various mechanical arts, it is that Britain has ob- 
tained her boasted manufactures and trade. 

And yet British agents term the inechanics of America: ^'■Low- 
bred tradesmen" — " the ■vidgar.'" 

Mechanics z.r\A farmers, it rests with yourselves, if you are dis- 
posed to bend your necks to the Burrs or to British emissaries'— 
they are ready to set thtivfeet upon you. 

If you are determined to be freemen — only count your numbers 
— but be not content with coinputation — be united with each other 
— there is room enough for us all in this happy wooden world of 
ours — nay more, mechanics and farmers, it is a solemn truth that 
the more work you do, the more business you will have to do ; be- 
cause if you could do enough for the consumption of the country, 
you woiiid not have cxihav foreigyi comjietilion — nor the dangerous 
influence which foreign agents exercise to keep your industry 
under, and to retard the public prosperity to which peace contri- 
butes so much, and which war would either destroy or retard for 
twenty years. 

Look to your happy country, and be proud that there is no lord 
or lordling. to put you from your path of industry, nor to tare from 
you the. fruits of your ho\\est labor and genius. 



63 

If you betray such a country by aiding those who are your vili-' 
^fiers^ and the disturbers of your country's peace — you or your chil- 
dren must feel remorse. Act by your country as the men of 1776 
acted — and the joys of conscious rectitude •will lengthen your 
Jives aad bless your posterity. 



No. XVI. 



WHENEVER the emotions of virtuous liberty take posses- 
sion of man, the spirit which it inspires renders him superior 
to the little and sordid interests which engross the plodding- calcu- 
lator or the speculator in human wants or misfortunes. This spirit 
it is which though it may not be equally felt by ail, is still so dif- 
fusive and glowing, as to arouse and keep nations IVom falling 
into the lethargy of vices and sordid passions. Without ihis 
animating spirit, or could it be extinguished, the American na- 
tion would speedily follow in that gloomy path which leads to the 
grave of liberty, and the loss of general happiness. This spirit in 
republics is vital — it is the spirit which guards against the en- 
croachments of every species of danger, and which being estab- 
lished on the basis of virtue., without which freedom cannot exist, 
necessarily maintains an incessant and eternal watchfulness, against 
every species of crimes and criminals — a contention of this kindy 
however grattful the triu?n/i/i to the advocate of virtue, cannot be 
maintained without much disgust, vnich abhorrence, and not a little of 
hazard and peril t-o him who is placed in the front of the combat — 
where, too, the advocate of public virtue has nothing to expect but 
the consolations ftoiving from his own rectitude — and where the wick- 
ed, disregarding all considerations, but success, in which they may 
gain so7nething, are indifferent alike to honor and to virtue, and even 
to the atrociousness of their means of warfare ; they resort to 
weapons which virtue would not employ, and they find allies and 
auxiliaries in every gradation of turpitude. 

Such we, without affectation, fairly confess we think to be the 
condition of every editor of -a. free press who advocates the princi- 
ples of the Declaration of independence, and the peace and indepen- 
dence of the United States. The joy that warms the bosom of 
the freeman, who renders noble service to his country, is like 
incense which I'egales the senses — and the anger and the menaces 
of his enemies are the proudest tributes of applause bestowed on 
his labors. 

We had contemplated suspending the remaining numbers of 
the Politics for Farmeus — but we find them called for from all 
parts of the country ; we have been repeatedly solicited to pub- 
lish them in a more portable form ; and we have been requested 
to continue them. The most forcible call upon us has been the 
articles from the ga?.cttes notoriously hostile to ti^.c liberty of thr 



64 

United States j llicy have exhibited so much anger and resent- 
ment, as to prove that the success of these numbers has exceeded 
our anticipations — Upwards of' 300 new subscribers have been 
added to the siibscriptiun list of the Aurora^ since the firi^t day of 
December last ; we shall now complete the series ; three numbers 
beside the present, are already prepared ; and shall appear with- 
out material delay. 

In the preceding numbers we exhibited the ingenuity and variety 
of taxation,, under that government which is a more stupendous 
fabric of human wisdom (or wickedness!) than has hitherto ex- 
isted. We touched upon the regal civil list and its various legiti- 
mate and illegitimate branches — and we ventured also to touch the 
hierarchy and the tithes. 

We promised to touch upon the excise — that fatal malady of 
free states. The memory of excise is not yet eradicated from the-- 
American mind ; it excited a dangerous fermentation, and a just 
apprehension ; much as the resistance of that execrable excise 
system has been artificially covered with odium ; it is the 7nanner 
of the resistance, and not the resistance itself that is really censur- 
able ; the resistance however destroyed it ; and the sacrifice of a 
n^iillion of dollars was a cheap expenditure to save the nation from 
its horrid and baleful eftects. Comparatively few of our citizens 
know what the excise was — or is; but they may form an opinion 
of what it might have been, had the system not been annihilated 
by national feeling, by a view of the excise system in England,, 
from which our very profound financiers borrowed it. The far- 
7ners of America may remember that the excise and the British 
treaty were born about the same time, and have been each fruitful 
of disaster. 

The excise was introduced in England under that very Charles 7. 
who had his head cut off on a scafibld, for his manifold offences 
against the people ; but when that government became so financial 
from its extravagance, as almost to realize the opinion of an Ita- 
lian., that the government nvas instituted only to make experiments i?i 
finance:,, and to discover how far the theory of credit and interest and 
imposition and credulity could be carried. According as the go- 
vernment became wicked and extravagailt, the excise was progres- 
sively extended to such an extreme, as to be of itself sufficient to 
obliterate every vestige of civil liberty, domestic security, or at- 
tachment to government. Read and judge for yourselves — read 
these papers, which British emissaries tell you are " accursed pa- 
pers," because they tell you truths which no one can controvert — 
which they cannot deny — which they cannot even shew to be in a 
single particular false, nor either distouted or discoloured in n 
single instance. 

You, A.merican/«?v/zers, can brew your own beer from your own 
malt — if you chuse to do it — you can roast and grind your own 
eofjee, if you chuse to use it ; if you kill a IniUock, a calf, or u 
sheep, and you chuse to make candles,, or to make soap of the fat, 
you can do it without asking any man's permission ; the things arc 
vour own. But' there would be no end to shewing you what yor; 



65 

aan do and may do— butTione of these things here stated, nor a 
thousand more, can an Englishman do in his own country— wzV//o«( 
a;2 exciseman ! 

In England no house-keeper dare, under a heavy penalty, roast 
as much coffee as would make a breakfast— but in the presence of 
an exciseman. 

No man dare make his own cAocofcrf— without an exciseman. 
ISo m-an can make his osvn malt, or malt for another person— 
without an exciseman. 

Every person who makes candlea Or soa^i^ must take out a li- 
cense, and have his name registered in the excise office— so that 
no person in his own family can make soap or candles, whatever 
may be saved by it— there must be an exciseman to see the :soaJi of 
cand/'-s made, and even the place in which they are made must be 
closed and secured by two locks— and the exciseman must keep one 
of the keys : so that no soap or candles be made but in his pre- 
sence, and when it suits his convenience 1 nor can the manufactory- 
be unlocked — but in the presence of an exciseman. 

No person can brew his own beer, or beer for any other person 

, but in the presence of an excise?nan. 

The exciseman is of a privileged order^ for he has power to enter 
any malt house— or bvew house at any time of the day, or night; 
and if admission is not immediately given, he may, by having a 
constable present, break ojien the door. 

Nf. Aian can distill a gallon of whiskey or gm— without an ex- 
riseuian. 

No man can make a brick or a tile-— without an exciseman. 
No man can dig a slate from a quarry — without an exciseman. 
No man can manufacture snuff or tobacco — without an excise- 
man. 

When an inn -keeper or tavern-keeper takes out a license lot- 
keeping a tavern, he has not done all that the excise law requires ; 
he may keep the tavern empty if he likes, and live upon his li- 
cense, if he does not take out an additional and separate license 
for every one of the following particulars : 

1 A license for selling Brandy and spirits, or rurn^ 

2 do. Beer. 

3 do. Wine to his customers. 

4 do. . Tobacco and segars. 

5 do. Cyder and metheglin, or meade. 

6 do. for letting Horses. 

7 do. do. Chaises, gigs, or Jersey waggons. 
Then your grocers, or wet-good store-keepers, must have their 

several kinds of licenses also — 

1 A license to sell Tea, coffee, or chocolate. 

2 do. Tobacco and snuff> 

3 do. Starch. 

4 do. Wine. 

5 do. Whiskey and spirits. 

A separate license is to be paid for in every casti 



66 

But the shop-keeper is not done there ; the excise pays particu- 
lar attention to its favorites, the shop-keepers and tavern-keepers. 
The exciseman is bound to keep an account of the shop-keeper's 
stock, and the tavern keeper's stock, which he may- take account 
of at any time, and as often as he chuses ; he can compel them at 
his own discretion to weiejh every pound of tea, coffee, c/wco/otcy 
starch, tobacco, or snuff; and to guage every cask of wine, or other 
liquors, every day, and at any hour of the day he chases ; it sig- 
nifies nothing how busy the tuveim-kccjicr or the store -kce/>er may 
be with their customers— all must give way — to Ms majesty's ink 
horn. 

The tanner cannot tan a hide, but under the inspection of an 
exciseman. 

The manufacturer of glue— must work under the exciseman. 
The dresser of skins and the manufacturer of parchment, must 
ftot work without an exciseman. 

No man can curry a hide, after it is tanned, but under the in- 
spection of an exciseman. 

No man can establish a paper mill, or finish a ream of paper, 
but under the control of an exciseman. 

We have not done, nor one half done — for even the exciseman 

is under the control of another exciseman of a superior order 

whom we shall notice in our next ; meanwhile, we recommend it t« 
tliose who are forever holding up the British government as a model 
of perfection, to open their understandings, and be no longer foolish 
■—what we here state they may not all have known ; but he who 
knows these things, and would recommend such a system for our 
imitation, must be an enemy of human nature — or an ideot. 

American farniers, never forget that this is only a small part of 
the system that was intended for you — this was the rod which an 
energetic governmeiit was to provide for you — and to bring you to 
order and regular governmeiit ; and do not forget — that excises^ 
and tithes, and taxes, are the natural effects of monarchy and ivars^ 
and the odious systems which tear from the hands of industry the 
fruits of its labor, to bestow it on the ministers of courts, and 
those sjmriom breads of beings called nubilitiii 



No. XVII. 

WE stated m our last, that, over the lowest grade of excisemen^ 
there was another and superior grade ; these are called •sufiervisors. 
The exciseman may be a thief, and they set another to watch him. 
He may, indeed, have pestered the tavern-keeper or the store- 
keeper, with daily weighings and guagings ; but the su/iervisor 
-knows his crcft, and must do sometJiing for the honor of his sacred 
majesty's protecting government ; he therefore orders all to be 



67 

-weighed and guaged again. As dignity, it is said, descends so 

■vve sontietimes see even in our republic a constable or a court run- 
ner, assume more airs in the exercise of his functions, than the 
president of the United States, who appoints him ; so the distance 
is great between the exciseman and the supervisor's dignity in a 
monarchy. 

Perhaps when the gentleman supervisor (for they are gentlemen ! 
also) comes, he recollects that you did not make your bow f>iiffi. 
cienily lovo to his mojesty's wk horn at the preceding visit ; and that 
you may not forget what you owe to so beneficent and all protect- 
ing a government, he may insist on measuring and weighing and 
gu aging your stock once more ; and if there are any indignant 
feelings left in the bosom of poor John Bull ; if the " memory of 
departed joys," as Dr. Leib said, talking of the liberty of the press, 
remain with him, and he utters a sulky symptom of discontent, the 
superior (who is a gentleman always !) having charge of the scales 
and the gauging rod, may punish the contumacy by either a threat 
or an actual prosecution for defrauding the revenue. Poor John 
Bull may be as innocent in the aflair — and as patient as a bear 
with a sore head, though he growls : — it is no matter, the excise- 
man. and the supervisor are his majesty's representatives — and, as 
every part or parcel of majesty partakes of its essence, and the 
king being incapable of doing wrong, as is agreed by the very 
bench of bishops, and all the lords of his creation, so neither can 
the exciseman nor the supervisor do wrong — he can neither blun- 
der, nor mistake, nor even falsify — his fiat is like the law of the 
Medes and the Persians. Indeed it saves ages ef trouble — a poor 
devil of a tavern-keeper or shop-keeper is not obliged to hang 
about the courts for seven years to bring a villain to justice — the 
villain is himself the culjirit.) the /irosecutor and the executioner — 
the fellow who dares to turn up his nose at majesty is dispatched 
at once by a dash from his majesty's ink horn. 

But wc have not enumerated still all the operations of excise. 

No store-keeper or other person can sell a hat — without an ex- 
cise license. 

No callico printer can print a yard of cotton or linen cloth — 
without an exciseman. 

No silversmith can finish a tea spoon or any piece of plate — 
without an exciseman. 

An exciseman is requisite to put the finishing hand to every 
sheet of parchment. 

The exciseman exacts a dollar a bushel for every bushel of bar- 
ley which a farmer makes or has made into malt. 

Glass cannot be removed from the glass house without the per- 
mission of the exciseman. 

There is another view in which the energetic beauty of the ex- 
cise system is to be seen. The exciseman charges John Bull with 
an intended fraud ; the exciseman may, in the first instance, mis- 
take, and really believe the charge founded ; he makes his entry; 
— but the law exjiresshj forbids tlie erasure or obliteration of u sin- 
gle letter in his book ; he dares i)ot blot out or erase — the mistaK* 



68 

iTiust stand-and the place of the excisemati is now at 5tal;e->vc 
sav nothine: of the reputed morals of English excisemen— he is 
afraid or ashamed of his error-and, being detected by the super- 
visor, is passed oft' to the charge of poor John. 

The excise laws of England disdain to prove any thing, they are 
too merciful to be liable to sus/iicion, they are ad7ninistered byangele 
in human shape— and when these angels make an accusation, the bene, 
volence of the law, laughing at the false logic of ancient ethics, puts 
the proof of innocence on the accused; perhaps by reversing the rules 
of accusation, innocence may be the fact charged, ^nA they conclude 
that it is not a violation of common law principles to oblige the ac- 
cused to prove an affirmative. However, common people may not 
be able to discover these nice distinctions. . , , , , 

Every store keeper, and tavern-keeper, is obliged to keep a book, 
in which he is compelled to enter every pound or ounce oj tea, to- 
bacco or snvff. Sec. sold. This book he is obliged to swear^ to every 
four months. Should there happen to be any mistake, either ot a 
v°ife or shopman, or boy, or by any hurry of business-then there 
is a prosecution for perjury, and the whole stock is liable to seiz^^e— 
ibr the benefit of his sacred majesty's faithful and vigilant officers, 
the exciseman and supervisor. 

This is what we hear of in certain mouths very often— support- 
ing the dignitv of the government— this is what we hearMten, un. 
der tlie name of energy ; it is sometimes called character too ; and 
who can dispute as to its character. 

However, there are some things that may be urged as palliatives 
—store-keepers should be more careful— and as it was under Lewis 
XIV. the French acquired all their politeness, John Bull may learn 
to boo > and be is bound to learn arithmetic; and to swear; which 
. implies that he should also learn to dance and be religious, and to 
read • and then his wife may be kept out of the shop, and his chil- 
dren'may go to school (or the work house) or into the army ; and . 
>vhile he is minding his business himself, he escapes all the danger 
of being infected by jacobinism, or thirsting after the delusion ot 
parliamentary reform. . . 

But all the good which the government, in its wisdom and 
tnercy, derives from the great body oi excisemen and supervisors, 
requires still to be explained. In conjunction with the clergy ot 
the established church, it is their duty to be supervisors of the public 
morals and politics also ; the churchmen look to their spiritual, and 
the excisemen to their earthly concerns. When these fellows (or 
centlemen !) are excising and guaging the wine or snuff", the coffee 
or whiskey, they are also taking the length and breadth of John 
Bull's religious and political opinions— for so they are instructed. 
If there is any little flaw in his religious or political opinions, it is 
soon excised', if he is the least out of unison with the ideas of 
the powers that be, his heresy is entered in a book along with his 
excise account, and regularly transmitted to the office which ha* 
coenizance of such concerns I 

Extend your consideration, American farmers, to tlie opera- 
tion of this Hiipcndous contrivance of human wisdom, which leaves 



69 

ihc- mariner's compas. and the art of navigation, Md all othtx 

wisdom, •» «f--'°*::;\\r'ore";ery.o..n, and village and 
ha n^'IilellvlmilyTn England, there is an agent of the govern- 

HSth---i;aX:^^--^^;^^- 

they may be called by any other names. 

A rose by any other name will smell as sweet. 
The eovernin^ power by this means becomes acquainted Avith 

formerK" ere in Connecticut, it must 7e i,is own lault ,u mak- 
'"!.:;''rS""- ave you not char„,ed «ith the wonderful sys- 
''«:'::":« leave yon to ruminate for yourselves on the subject 
— tiJl another day. 



No. XVill. 

TTIFY had formerly a remarkable custom in Sweden ; when 

1 Ui.i nciu ^"'' ^, , , carefully concealed from him 

- -■"-':'» lV-ln:!«l eteuti« ' omethnes they cherished l.ope 

^:i^i<.., fonit - •- r:i;-'— rompt.:!d\nr- 

^Sinfo^iL-rtd'occiiS .:t^an;. -ej the -im 
least expected it, without consciousness of ] t*^' j" , i ^I ! 

liilBiig 



'70 

when it is rendered imbecile by absolute ignorance, or brutal by 
tbat other kind of ignorance which is still worse than mere nl 
whT- '^/^^'^^^■'^if f^; ^'-'j^^-' that adoption of misintelli^ence 
wluch ,s best described by the word .u/ter.uinov, which deprives 
ignorj^nce of its mnocence, and, by substituting error for truth, 
makes the very acquisition of reputed knowlege the creative store 
house lor barbarism. 

We are shocked at these things; yet millions and millions of 
millions of circumstances pass before our eyes, more barbarous, 
withou excumg an emotion or a sigh. " Experience is a dear 
school, said poor Richard, - but none but fools will study there, 
ZwA scarcely m that." ^ ^ 

^ What does .x/.mV„c. say with poor Richard-are all studies in 
her school huitless? Have we not paid dear enough for our tvhhtle 
in the revo ution See whagise Europe has made'of her education I 
W eshall be told of the jlobinism of the French revolution. But 
we seldom hear of tne jacobinism of Pilnitz ! We are told of the 
jacobinism ox the gnillotin-but what is the guillotin to the massa- 
ere at Praga ? V^ hat are the fusilades and the guillotinades of Paris 
and Lyons to the fusdades of Warsaw ? Look at the lesson—see 
tne anniversary of Jamaappe celebrated at Fieurus-of Fleurus 
at Marengo_ot ^la.tngo at Austerliiz-and of Austerlitz where 
—why at Praga on the theatre of Suwaroff's butcheries; the 
pnviogue of Polish dismemberment we saw in 1791, the second and 
tfnrdacts m 1793 and 1795; but in 1805 and 180& we saw real 
dcnoument of Prussian, and Russian, and Austrian humiliation I 
Experience is a dear school," savs poor Richard. 
But it IS a clear school only fo those who do not profit by it. 
^\e are, thank Providence, the only naiion that has vet profited 
by our education. Ki„o-s arc educated in h.xr.ry and 'selfishness, 
llepubhcs are born ,n adversity; and so long as they kc-ep in 
rnmd the lessons ot experience, they are happy : the moment thev 
iorget or disregard them, then their education and the fruits of 
experience are thrown away. 

It has been a kind of fashion to introduce English lessons in 
our education— but study under experience, and what does the ve- 
nerable and sedate old dame, what does she say ?— She i^ives you 
lessons unnumbered. 

She gives you the whole history of the earth— the book is cheap 
as water— It is not dear if you only read it, and make a proper use 
of It- let It not be said with poor Richard, that you study scarce in 
^^/^—^'^^ ^'^'"°"^ a^'^ abundant, and they are not like the fables 
ol Filpay,()r Esop, or Gay, mere fictions ofa moral construction, 
which genius contrives to sooth innocence into the unerring paths 
of virtue r--your lessons are not fables-they are stories written 
in the blood and the miseries of millions. The drunken ingenuity 
oi the Swedes, to palliate and sooth, to conceal as it were the ave- 
nues to deatli from the unfortunate victim of the laws— is an awful 
lesson li we apply the moral— if we test it by the lessons of expe. 
rience. ^ 



Our own history, as we once before observed, is only 



a chapter 



71 

of a volume begun at a certain. page in the British history—and let 

us see what are the lessons which experience points out to us 

let us see — aye — the ivhitc and the red roses whence did those 

execrable wars arise ? Not about a people's rights not to 'estab- 
lish virtue and happiness in a nation — in these wars of those who 
are called our progenitors — what happened? The wars of the 
Goths and Vandals— the inroads of the Saracens— the extirpations 
of the Moors and Arabians, are comparatively mild, when we look 
at 300 years of remorseless massacre and assassination— for what ? 
To put a scoundrel on a throne, who wa5 after all to become thq 
tyrant and the destroyer of the whole of those who survived and 
fought his battles. 

Experience is indeed a dear school— for what is called the no- 
bihty—ilmt is, Mr. Burr's ^bes( blood of the nation,' which was 
nearly extirpated in the contest— what contest— why w/;o shallride- 
a;7(/ plunder; 'men above the dull pursuits of civil life.' 

Farmers of Jmerica — voluminous as the common law is— and the 
oracles say that " 20,000 volumes would not contain it,"— experi- 
ence says, that to be happy yourselves, and to secure happ-ness to 
your posterity, you must pursue a course different from that which 
has been productive only cf athiction and misery to mankind, and 
m every nation. You must consider a svstem which experience 
shows to have been productive only of miseries, ruin, desolation, 
disaster, and under its very best form, of oppression, and a de- 
ceptions or qualified tyranny— cannot be an object fit for your ap- 
probation, much less your applause— or for imitation— it is only 
such an example as the attempt to extinguish a fire with sulphur 
or with oil— greater destruction only can be the consequence of its 
adoption, for human wickedness when interested will employ hu- 
man cunning to conceal its hideous arts, and to render its destruc- 
tion more certain— the sulphur will be compounded with other in- 
gredients, and it will blow you up— the oil simply used may be 
mnocent, but add it to combustion, and the greater will be the 
destruction. 

Look at the royalties, the nobilities, the hierarchies, the tares, the. 
tithes, the floor rates, the excise of England— and say, is this the 
stupendous fabric oi human wisdom you wish to imitate ?— We 
leave you for the present lo reflect. If knaves or fools deceive you 
—you cannot say you wanted counsel ; and you will then have to 
deplore for yourselves, and incur the just resentment of posteritr. 
The light is before you — open your eyes. 



No. XIX. 

WE have shewn, by contrasting the situation and pro'^ress of 
Uie government constantly held up for your imitation, with the 
state ot happiness you possess wnder your elective govcrnpient, the 



itip«riority of your condition in every respect. Since the prececl> 
ing numbers were published, our Jwanions are strengthened, and 
the absurdity of commercial wars, standing armies, navies, fortifica>. 
tions, are rendered not only nugatory, but more ridiculous. 

We have enumerated British taxes, tithes, excisemen, in order 
to prove that those who have held forth that government as a 
model of perfection, were deceivers ; that they held up to view a 
theory deceitfully painied and tinselled on the outside ; but which 
experiment had proved to be totally fallacious in in its application 
and fatal m its consequences. 

It is not to us a matter of triumph that the British system has 
Ijeen productive of nothing but misfortunes to the world, ami of 
oppression and misery to its own people ; but it is certainly a mo- 
ral obligation on every American citizen to guard his coimtry 
against the folly or the wickedness which would lead Amei'ica 
into the same destructive path. What we have said hitherto has 
principally related to the operation of her system of government 
on the nation of England — we shall take a view of a few circum- 
stances abroad, and let us see if the course is any better there. 

There is a Mr. William Eton, an Englishman, who was many 
years in the civil and military service of the empress of Russia. 
Mr. Eton, in 1301, published, under sanction of the British go- 
vernment, for whom he acted as a political agent, an history of 
the Turkish em/iirc. The motive of that publication was to stir up 
England against France, and to induce the British to support the 
empress of Russia in her views on the Turkish empire. 

Eton's work is very interesting; no man of discernment can 
be mistaken as to the political object of the book ; but the infor- 
mation compensates for every thing of that kind ; he gives the 
following view and history of the the treatment of near 80,000 
farmers, their wives, and children, by the regular government of 
Russia — this dreadful relation is given with all the cold insensibi- 
lity of a courtier of St. James's, who estimates /iir me rs and inccha- 
nics only as brutes — not one word of pity or reprobation escapes 
his courtly pen — take his own words — -Jcn-mers : " While I was in 
the quarantine on the Russian frontier, in September, 1778, there 
passed 75,000 christians, (farmers) obliged by the Russians to 
emigrate from the Crimea, of whom 35,769 were males. The 
Armenian women, who came from Kaffa, were more beautiful, and 
I think approached nearer that perfect form, which the Grecians 
have left us in their statues, than the women of Ti7io. These 
people were sent to inhabit the country, abandoned by the Mgai 
Tartars, (on its being conquered by the Russians,) near the west 
coast of the sea of Azof; but the winter coming on before the 
houses for them were ready, a great part of them had no other 
shelter from the cold than what was afforded them by holes dug in 
the ground, covered with what they could procure: they were a 
i'eojile who all came from comfortable homes ; and the greatest fiarf 
of them perished; seven thousand only were alive a few years 
:i.go \ Other colonies had no better fate, owing to the bad manage- 



73 

ment of those who were comrnissioned to provide for them— (''co?z- 
tractors -who ivere bawling for nvarj and not to the climate." 

Now, farmers, what think you of this picture, told by an Eng- 
lish officer, the friend of Russia? — and i( friends will relate such 
truths, what cannot enemies relate ? What would the whole trtith be ? 

He relates it simply as a mere matter of course, as a merchant 
invoices cold iron ; not one word of pity escapes his pen, any more 
than if these hapless people were statues of iron or stone, for they 
were notiiing hwi farmers and mechanics, ^ 

With the savage feeling of a courtier of St. James's, when 
dwelling or conversing on the cruelties committed in America ; or 
the mas^sacres of millions for commercial purposes in India, or Asia, 

they are passed over as merchandize — he says other colonies 

shared the same fate. 

Their women were more beautiful .' .' 

O noble connoisseur — ! 

He feasted his eyes with the beautiful forms of those farmers' 
wives, and their beautiful children — driven at the point of the bay- 
onet. by the order of the savage empress, to form what— and for 
whose puvoose ? — why, what think you ? 

\ city, for the advantage of British merchants ; a commercial 
city on the sea of Azof I. ....''..As Shylock says—" this was the value 
of the bond."' 

What must have been the dreadful sufferings of those ciiristians, 
who all came from comfortable houses ! 

Here pavise one moment, farmers — there were no royal Bour- 
bons, no dukes D'Enghein among these Armenian beautiful wo- 
men and children to excite christian feeling— they were only people 
of Armenia, christians, beautitul, and had been happy. 

But, .\merican farmers — ?nark im ! 

In that very year, %uhen those 75,000 funuers, and other cuicmiitu, and t/jth 
beautiful \:i-jes, and children, 'i--'erc thu.:; murdi; red; — 

[n thai very year was that humane monarch George IH. in 
actual treaty for 50,000 of tliose very Russians, who drove those 
l^ooY farmers before them with their bayonets ; and for what pur- 
pose think you? — to be trans/for ted to America; to do, what think 

you ? to aid the Hessians, and Brimswickers\ and British troops, in 

cutting your throats, and giving you an energetic government like 
that which the Armeiiiajis experienced 1 

Like those \ioov farmers you would have been treated by those 
auxiliaries of George HI. had they been landed— you might, per- 
haps, like the Maroons or Caraibhs, have changed your climates, and 
merely to strengthen your constitution ; the South Carolinian 
might have been'removed to Nova Scotia, as the Armenians were 
to kaffa,— only for their good, or the good of trade. 

The Jersey prison ship, Wilkesbarre, and Paoli, would indeed, 
and in truth, have been only whippings. 

Doctor Johnson, who was in the secrets of St. James, and knew 
what he said— he knew the intentions of the cabinet of those days. 

Turn to Mouse's Gkography, if you have the book; if not. 
buy, or borrow it, and then read the accotmt of the massacre (s! 



74 

Praga^ of Warsarj, and of the Poles — by those same Russians—, 
who are now the last hope of Europe against jacobinism. 

Farmers of America, you may not all know how it happened 
that British emissaries are in such deep anxiety tor the fate of Rus- 
sia at this moment. 

We will tell you — they care nothing about the Russians, but 
they are inveterate against France for re-establishing Poland — you 
ought, if you can obtain it, read the history of Poland. It is dk 
useful history for freemen ; for Poland fell from its independence 
because the body of the people were slaves — and because an aris- 
tocracy is always accessible to corruption, and ever lusting for 
power. 

There is one other reason that influences the adherents of 
England ; it was France that jire-vented ihose self same Riis^tiajis from 
cutting your throats — by preventing their being sent hither ; take 
Eton's ovvn words for it — observe Eton is no jacobin, nor in French 
pay — nor even attached to democracy — he says — 

" It would be an endless task to recite all the manoeuvres of the 
French till they unluckily succeeded. In this same year 1779 — the 
empress of Russia had determined on giving his Britannic majesty 
an 'ffective assistance ap;ainst his rebellious subjects in America, 
then supported by t" e crown of France. Prince Fotemkin, who, to 
the last day of his life, affirmed, that the success of the enterprize 
against Turkey, depended on the alliance of Great Britain — had 
the sole management of this business, and, witholit the concur- 
renceoi count Panin, the minister of foreign affairs, and the parti- 
zan of I'rance, who, suspecting, or having some information of what 
was going on, employed a miss Guibal^ governess of one of Po- 
tempkiifs neices, to steal the papers from imder the prince's pillow, 
and, after seeing the contents, to replace them so carefully, that it 
W^as sometime afterwards before he discovered he was betrayed. 
Count Panin found iTieans to retard the signing of the instrument 
already drawn ujiy and produced another project in the place, that 
of the ar7ned neutrality.'' 

Thus it wd.%^ farmers of America, that you escaped the ravaging 
murders of Suivarrow and the Russians — that Boston, or York, or 
Philadelphia did not exhibit horrors to rival Praga. 

This is the true cause of the mournings of the Cullens and British 
agents for the fate of Russia. 

It was for the intentions of those Russians that the blood thirsty 
Suivarrotv^ and those Russians^ were toasted, and success drank to 
their arms in this city of the brctlierhood — at the coffee house 
where our merchants still resort — and where Ha?-per, and Mie7 cken^ 
and Joe Thomas were the leaders of the feast : 

By the British merchants and ivarm federalists of Philadeljihiay 
over their nocturnal banquets^ and their ivirie, 
, Here is their hostility to France : 

France prevented Suwarrow and 50,000 Russians from being 
sent hither, in addition to the Hessians , flanoverians and Bruns» 
•tvickcrs-i and from cutting yeur throats^ for the sake of order and re- 
gular government. 



75 

Farmers of Jmerica, "when you I'ead this account of 70,000 of 
voiii' christian brethren — do not forget that such would have been 
exactly your fate had George 111. been victorious — the burnings at 
Paoli, and Wilkesbarre, Esopus and Fairhcld, and New London, 
as the pious doctor Samuel Johnson said, were only the whippings 
of children, compared with the tender mercies of Russian mas- 
ters. 

In droves like cattle, equal to the population of Ohio and Ten- 
}irs;i-'e, would you i.u\e icu driven before the Russian bayonets; 
and you, your beu'i f ! \vi\es and children, shipped off, eitiier to 
have been slaves in t e British West India islands — at Botany Bay 
— or perhaps to found colonies on Labradore, or Baffin's bay — as 
the Armenians were sent to the borders of the seaof^/^zo/. 

Remember, reader — as you go along — that in those numbers 
throughout, we offer nothing of theory or surmise — nothing is left 
to conjecture ; we challenge the most inveterate enemies of out" 
politics and yours, to contradict us in a single circumstance or fact 
which we have uttered to yoit in the whole course of these num- 
bers. 

We give them chapter and verse for our authority ; nothing is 
left to doubt or to speculation — let them turn to Ktarsleif's tax ta- 
bles for the exemplificiuion of the miseries of Britain — ail we say 
is from British authority. 

Let them turn to Eton's sttrvey of the Turkish empire, printed 
in London in 1801 — for our assertions in this essay are quoted 
from that Avork. 

And yet, farmers of America, you have been called to weep 
over those Russians — who dismeinbered Poland, and massacred 
her virtuous citizens at Praga ! Look at ^Morse's geography tor an 
account of this. 

W e suppose you will be called on by the warm federalists to 
weep over that self same firincc of Hesse, who sold his subjects to 
ciit your throats, farmers. 

We suppose you will be called on to weep over the Hanoverians, 
who were sent to ctU your throats. 

We suppose you will be called on to weep over the Brunswick' 
ers, ivlto were scni to cut your throats. 

The wages of sin and death, which they received for your 
wounds, and the murders of your forefathers, are taken from them 
— and the pains they inflicted are now repaid upon Hanover, and 
Hesse, and Brunswick. 

These Brunsnvickers^ whose duke, in his dreadful manifesto de- 
clared, 

" That such of the farmers of France as were found in arms 
against the troops of those uilitd powers (the F.ussiutis and Frus-^ 
siant,) should be punished as rebels, (just tlie same lant.>;uage ai 
was held towards you Anieiicans in 177 6; — and the city of Paris, 
in case the king, queen and royal tamily are not immediaiely set at 
liberty, is to be delivered up to tlie horrors of military execution ! !" 

It was the lately deceased duke of Brunswick, who, at the head 
«f a Prussian arpiy, made this proclamation ; and that proclama- 



76 

tion was only the ecko of what Edmund Burke said at same the 
tjmc — hear him: 

" The mode of civilized war will not be practised ; they must 
look for no modified hostility : all which is not battle, will be 
mUitary execution .' /" 

This, farmers, was the languai>;c of men, who fasted, and who 
/iraijcd, and who, drunk with blood, Avished success to the Russian 
and Prussian ^artitioners of Poland. Where are those Russians 
and Prussians now, and see where Poland is — you were once on the 
verge of being parties in common wilh those Prussians and Rus- 
sians — to drive 70.000 American ./orwer* before the bayonets as 
they did the farmers of the Crivwa, 

And will you weep over the fate of those Russians, those Hes- 
sians, those Ilanox'erians, those Brunsivickers ? 

As rather over the destruction of their rulers— ^/bj- iv/iose subjects 
any chuhge must be for the better. 

Compare all these things, for that is the use of them — if you do 
not compare, all you read is good for nothing. 

Had George III. succeeded against you — 

Had the Russians come among you — what would have been your 
fate ? ^ 

Look what you are — guard what you have — and you are the 
most happy people on earth. 



No. XX. 



YOU have read v.ith attention — for the whole of the actual 
republican papers from one end of the continent to the other, 
have republished this series of papers — the truths which they con- 
tain have not in a single instance been attempted to be denied, 
much less refuted; and the lessons which they convey, are there- 
fore not lost, as newspaper essays too frequently are. 

There are yet several other topics which have only been 
glanced al ; and some of these are so very important in them- 
selves, that if there were no other cause to be jealous of those 
who endeavored to impose upon you, tlicse alone would be suffi- 
cient to induce an eternal watchfulness. 

One point which particularly merits your rcifcrd, is that jvliich 
relates to llie IJlwr'y of the [.rrss. 

Another is what relates to tlie rraeiing of citizinip. to consult on 
public alTairs. either to petition for redress of grievances, or for 
reformation of abuse. 

The third is what relates to the rights and liberties of those who 
compose the great body and strength of every society, those who 
earn their bread by their bodily labor and industry. 

The attempt made in the state of Pennsylvania, by the recom- 
mendation of governor M'Kean, to frame law restraints on the 



77 

firess, in violation of the constitution, renders attention to that, 
subject particularly necessary to freemen ; because, as it is the 
practice of the English government, to receive every thing as 
usage, which is not resisted or opposed ; and to prevent by every 
means the resistance of what they wish to do, subversive oi pub- 
lic liberty; the measure that is unopposed or unresisted through 
fear, they seize upon and argue upon as a law established through 
choice, and the precedent becomes what is called commm lunv. 

You have been so common, laiv ridden, that it is a special duty 
to be vigilant against its encroachments ; as well as vo guard 
against its grievances ; against the dreadful effects which it may 
produce if carried to an intolerable extent. 

In the three cases above alluded to, attempts have been alrea- 
dy made, not only to introduce the system, but execrable laws 
have been passed, approaching very close to the two first oppres- 
sions ; and the case of t!~ie shoemakers, a common law dcci.non in 
this citv, is an hideous and ext^crable specimen of the third. 

That the two first subjects may be fairly belore you, we shall 
not abridge a letter or a word from Kearsley's tax table — the part 
which relates to the press, is as follows: 

" From and after the expiration of forty days from July, 1799, every person 
having any printing press or types for printing, shall cause a notice thereof, signed 
in the presence of, and attested by one witness, lo be delivered to the clerk of 
the peace according to the form in the act, who is to gra\it a certiticate thereof for 
one shilling, and fill one notice, and transmit an attes.tci ci:py to the secretar) of 
state, and every person who, not having delivered sucii notice, and obtained such 
certiricaie, shall keep or use an\ j.'rinting press or types, or havir.g obtained the 
same, sliall use any printing press or types, in any other place than the place ex- 
pressed in the notice, shall forfeit twent) pounds. 

" His majesty's prmters for England and Scotland, and the public presses, are 
exempted. 

" Letter founders and printing press makers are also to give a notice in the form 
in the act, to the clerk of the peace, who shall graiK a ce; li.icaLe, and till the no- 
tice, and transmit an attested co])y to thie secretary of state. 

*' An account to be kept oft)])es and printing presses sold, and to whom, and- 
to be produced when required, on penalty of tveit;. pounds. 

" From a.nd after the expiration of forty days aFcer the 12th July, 1799, every 
person who shall )jrint -dVA' paper or !moi K/.\it.-jucTcr whieli shall be meant to be pub- 
lished or dispersed, whether tlie same sluill l)e s(jld or given away; ibal' print ttpop. 
tke front of tvery oucb paper, if the same shall be printed on one side only , and upon 
the Jirst and last leaves iif every paper (^ book which shall consist of more than one 
leaf, his name and tlie name of the city, town, parish, or place, and also the name 
(if any) of the square, street, lane, court, or place, in which his dwelling house 
bhall be, on pain to forfeit twenty pounds. 

" But not to extend Xi> pap'crb printed h\- authority of parliament. 

" Every primer ;h;:H I ;.■•, ii'i'i; '.iii,, -. ,■ . ■ ■ ( i least) of every paper printed 
by him, on which 1;.^ -; .V- ;,.< l ... ■■- of the person by whom he 

shall be employed to | , i; , th'- •:cii .,■ , ,;..fi ^l li._ ■,; ' ■mi; cr neglect to do so, or 
to keep the same foi six calendar monihs, ue.\ ir.cing thereof, or to 

produce the same to any justice, who withiii i . shall require to see 

the same, he shall forfeit twenty pounds. 

" It shall be lawful for any jierson, V' wlioin or in ^vhor.e presence any printed 
papers not having tlie name and abode of tj^e priiUer theieon, or having a fictitious 
or false name or abode printed thereon, : iiall be sold, or oilered for sale, or stall be 
delivered ^r«/«, or shall be pasted, iixed, or left in any^iiblio place, or in any other 
^iianner exposed to public view, to seize the persons selling or oHering to sell, cr 



78 

delivering, pasting, frxing, or leaving tlie suhie, and forthwith convey him before 
some jubtice, or deliver hini to some constable. 

" 1 his act is' not to extend to impressions of engravings or newspapers, or the 
printing the names and addresses, or the business of any person, or papers for 
the sale ot estates or goods. 

" A justice may empower a peace officer to search for presses and types which 
he suspects to be illegally used, and to seize them and the printed papers found. 

" Prosecutions are to be commenced within three months atter penalty is in- 
curred. 

" Any pecuniary penalty exceeding twenty pot;nds, may be recovered by ac- 
tion ; and any pecuniary jjenalty, not exceeding twenty pounds, may be recovered 
before any justice of the peace, and levied by distress and sale; and in case no 
sufficient distress can be had, such justice shall commit the offender to the common 
jail or house of correction, for not exceeding six, nor less than three calendar 
months; and one moiety shall go to the informer, and the other to his majesty." 

To these extracts we shall barely subjoin a few short extracts 
fi'om the constitution of the United States and that of Pennsylva- 
nia ; and thereto add an extract from the speech of the governor 
of Pennsylvania; that the American reader may see how closely • 
the views and wishes of a governor disposed to be arbitrary, ap- 
proaches to the adoption of doctrines execrated even in England 
—and forbidden in America, and which have already contributed 
to overthrow an arbitrary administration of the federal govern- 
ment. 

Constitution of the United States — Hrst amendment — 

•' Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or pro- 
hibiting the free e.xercise thereof, or abriu'gi-.g the freedom of speech or of the press 
— or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the govern- 
ment for redress of grievances." 
• Constiti'.tion of Pennsylvania — article IX. \ 8. 

" The printing presses shall be fiee ro every jjcso.. who unc'ertakes to examine 
she jiroci^edmgs uf the legisJauue or any brancli . f government — aiid no law shall 
ever be made to restrain the riglits thereof. The tree communication of thoughts 
and opinion is cne of the invaluable rights of man ; and every citizen may freely 
speak, v^'rlte, and print, on any subject, being re ponsihle for the abuse of that li- 
berty. In prosecutions forthe publication of [japers investigating tlie official con- 
duct of officers, or men in a public capacity, or where the matter published is 
proper for public information, the truvh thereof ma)^ be given in evidence. And, 
in all indictments for libels, the jury shall have a right to determine tlie law and 
the facts, under the direction of the court, as in other cases." 

To this we shall subjoin the extract from the governor's speech 
the reader should compare it AVith the doctrines in the forego- 
ing abstract of b^nglish law ; further ilhistralion would be super- 
fluous, after the admirable and excellent report of Dr. Leib, which* 
is of record on the journals of the legislature of this common- 
-vvealth. 

Ex 1 1 -a a from ^ /' Ke jn's a cl dress . 

" The most zealous advocates of a free press, have always 
thought, that to preserve its liberty, its licentiousness must he re- 
strained. The law provides*perhaps sufficiently for the punish- 
ment of a convicted libeller; but the inadequacy of that species of 
reparation to the feelings and fame of the injured individual, and 
even the opportunities to escape conviction, are points on which 
the law is still susceptible of great and constitutional amendment. 



79 



I would, therefore, venture to suggest, that every printer who as- 
sails the character of a citizen should be compelled, if required 
to publish the defence ; that every printer and editor of a newspa- 
per, or other periodical work, should register his name in some 
public office of the proper county, to be evidence of the fact of 
publication, upon trials at law ; and that whenever a grand jury 
shall present a press as a public nuisance, the printer and the 
editor should be bound in a recognizance with sureties for their 
good behaviour, and the court authorised to suppress it for a limit- 
ed time. But, after all, it cannot be denied, that the only effectual 
remedy must be supplied by the good sense and virtue of the com- 
mumty ; since the crime of libeUing, like the crime of duelling:, 
will forever depend for its indulgence and its impunitv upon public 
taste and public opinion. Your predecessors indeed lately enacted 
a law for the more effectual prevention and punishment of duels • 
but reflecting that duels are among the natural and the usual efl 
tects of libels, you, gentlemen, will, I am confi-lent, be solicitous 
to discredit and suppress the cause of such complicated mischief, 
by the influence of^your example and advice, as well as by the ex- 
ercise of your legislative authority." 

The foregoing extract from governor M^Kean's speech, the rea- 
der should compare with the quotation from the constitution, 
which he swore to support ; and the coincidence of the restrictions 
on the press m England, with those which he recommends. 

What relates to the -mbject of duels in the governor's sfieech, we 
shall notice in an essay separate from these papers, and we make 
no doubt shall both astonish and disgust— when the reader finds 
the atrocious designs to which the speech alludes. / 



POLITICS 



MECHANICS. 



No. L 



UNDER the denomination of mechanic, is properly com- 
prehended, every person who practises an art or manual operation 
by known rules; for the word is derived from a Greek word signi- 
fying art ; so that whoever understands and executes any work byi 
rules of art, is a mechanic. Some mistakes have prevailed on this 
term, through a frivolous effort to create distinction, between me- 
chanics and artists, and handicraftsmen, and manufacturers, words 
which are in fact of the same original meaning, only adopted from 
different languages. 

In the strict sense, therefore, a farmer who performs the labor 
of agriculture by rules of art, whether those rules were acquired 
from imitation, or instruction, or by rules adopted from reasoning 
and comparison, and various modes of practice by others, is in fact 
a mechanic, who practiiies an useful and important art. 

We have thought it fit to preface a series of papers particularly- 
addressed to mechanics by these definitions, as in the course of 
what we shall have to say, the discriminations that have been arti- 
ficially or cunningly made, between various classes of men, will 
be illustrated by the observations which we shall offer to the me- 
chanics of the United States. 

In addressing our series of papers to the farmers of the 
United Stfites, we were well aware that a farmer was also a me- 
chanic ; and that the importance and interests of actual industry, 
are common to the whole body of industrious men who are not 
abo^ve the dull jmrsuits of civil life. But as it tends to convenience, 
and went immediately to the agricultural body, we addressed that 
bodv by their favorite appellation oi farmers ; although with us the 
word farmer, bears a veiy different meaning from the meaning of 
the same word in the country from which we derive our language. 
There a " farmer is a person who rents out an estate, or por- 
" tion of land, at a stated rent per year." With us the farmer 
may be called the noble of nature ; for every American farmer is 
the lord of the soil. The various descriptions of persons employed 
in the useful arts of social life, in the manufactui'es of all that con- 

11 



82 

tribute to comfort and to rational gratification, from the builder 
of the house to the manufiacturer of needles — from the maker of 
watches to the makers of stockings and shoes — the weaver, the 
halter, the smith of various classes and branches, — all these 'are 
alike generally denominated artisans, manufacturers, handicrafts- 
ixien — we comprehend them all under one word — mechanics — 
and to these we address this series of papers ; noting at the same 
time, that eve^ry farmer is as much interested in the facts that we 
shall state and discant upon, as those mechanics who are not prac- 
tical agriculturalists, but mechanics in the vulgar use of the term» 

Dr. Franklin, who may be considered with propriety as the 
great exemplar and glory of mechanics, as well as of his country, 
lays down the following principles as the true sources of national 
weuUh : "The earth and the waters are tlie sources from which all 
" true riches are produced. The maintenance, enjoyments, and 
*' evenin a measure the superiluities of life, are, properly speak- 
" mg, real riches. But the earth and the waters would l^e unpro- 
" d'jct;:v" without labor ; therefore the labor oflzHagei^ the first, and 
" >;he L:': .r of -nir'ijjciurcs the second means of acquiring national 
"and in'.livKkud weallli." 

Adam Smith, who .vrole on the subject of national wealth, with 
so much merited celebrity, opens his valuable work, with this fun- 
damental principle ; — " The annual labor of every nation, is the 
" fund which originally supplies it with all the necessaries and con- 
" veniencies of life, which it annu/illy consumes, and which consist 
" always either in the immediate produce of that labor^ or in nvhat 
." is /lurchased ivith that produce from other nations." 

It would be superHuous to refer to any other authorities, in sup- 
port of principles that require only to be stated to be understood 
—principles, which being universally admitted, even by those wlm 
are themselves above the dull jiursuils of ^iiechanical labor, declare 
at the same instant the self-respect which every viechanic should 
feel, as forming part of that great basis upon v.^hich society is 
erected, and without which society could not exist in a social and 
happy order. : The acknowleged principle also must be taken in 
another point of view, as it relates to the propensity of the idle, the 
imbecile, and the profligate speculator to treat with affected con- 
tempt those classes of men — mechanics and/«r/;.'trs, to whose virtue 
and toil those excrescences of society owe their very existence. 

Many men are almost stupiticd by the adoption o[ foreign 
ideas, and applying them to our ov.m condition, with which they 
cannot enter into association. In countries whose governments 
are founded and maintained for the gratif cation or aggrandizement _ 
of a fe-v, which is the real character of every government in Eu- 
rope at this moment, under such governments, a hatred of the dzdl 
jmrsidts of civil life is a necessary consequence of the system. The 
rulers have an interest in degrading and ridiculing, and promoting 
distinctions, and excitirig jealousies among the various classes of^ 
men who are not above labor and usefulness. 

'I'hey have an interest in their ignorance, and in their poverty, 
Its the means of perpetuating that ignorance ; for if all minds 



were well improved, that are not ignorant, the mechamc and the 
farmer mx^hx discover that they were the strength and the base of 
society ; and without which, the prh'ilegcd orders could not be 
released from the dull pursuits of civil life. 

The reflecting man must often be astonished, at the supercilious 
insolence of idU'r-<i and siieculators, in a society of freemen, where 
all men are equally entitled to the protection of the laws, and to 
the honors, and trusts, and respect due to genius, talents, or es- 
tablished virtue. ^ , , , . •. 

The observing man must be surprised to find the same habits 
of contempt and asperity towards the n.scfid members of society, 
constantly displayed by numbers, who either go Jnlo office on the 
shoulders of hypocrisy, or acqui-e the wealth which pampers their 
insolence, by means which virtuous men would disdain to truckle to. 

There is more of unconscious imitation^ and the effect of habit, 
and of the association of foreign ideas to things totally dissimilar 
in these things, than of vice or criminality. But the evils consist 
in this, that" while it is prevalent, or not scouted, or not resisted, 
it enjoy? a kind of tolerance that is construed into an express sanc- 
tion ; while those who either do not, or cannot, or will not think 
oa the subject, act as if this unnatural state of society were natural ; 
and that 'our national written iiisiituiions were only masks for 
cheating the million, -and that the actual state of society were in- 
tended as a satire on the principles of our government. 

In the next and subsequent numbers we shall go into an illus- 
tration, by specific examples, of the principles here suggested— 
and apply them to the circumstances of the public, the exemplifi- 
cation of facts, and accompany them by such illustrations a* t'.e 
subject, naturally exuberant, presents to the mind in the progress 
of rumination. 



No. II. 



OUR introductory number was Intended to define the sub- 
lect as it relates to our country — to lead the American reader out 
of the mazes and perplexities of disanalogous ideas— from ha- 
bitual, and therefore, unsuspected errors, ro a fair view of the actual 
station of the people who constitute the vital xiurit, and the body oi 
this nation. This number shall be devoted to a further ilhistra- 
t'lon of errors and absurdities— by a contrast of foreign perver- 
sion of simple ideas for wicked purposes, with tiie habitual adop- 
tion of those perversions among us, and their reception without 
examination as orthodox, though repugnant to propriety and com- 
mon sense. . . , • • 

Edmund Burke, and Dr. SamueUohnson, are iavonte autnonties 
uith men above the dull pur units of civil life. 

Would any member of any Christian churcli accept the Koran 
of Mahomed as the gospel? 



84 

Would any man pretend to say that killing in cold blood was 
not murder I 

Would any man say, who wished to preserve an ordinary reputa- 
tion for veracity — that a nation goaded by taxes, by the poverty 
o{ millions^ and the extravagance of a few hundreds, while those 
millions are starving — is the consummation oi a. perfect, /nire, be- 
nevoUnt^ wise, salutary, safe and sound frame of social institution ? 

Yet such paradoxes have been pursued — and the christian reli- 
gion preaches " peace and good will among men ;" what do the 
christian nations pi-actise — the law of the koran — the law of Ed- 
mund Burke and Mahomed — bellum ad intemicionem — a war of ex- 
tiimination- 

Ur. Johnson wrote a pamphlet to prove that killing was not mur- 
der ; and we find in the 31st year of the republic, against which 
Johnson wrote his pious work, that perfidiously murdering after 
provoking to nunder — was declared in the very seat of the sainted 
pilgrims, to be innocent and guiltless homicide. 

Let us not deviate too far from our subject — the name of Dr, 
Johnson has been extolled beyond rational and cool belief — but it 
was a fashion — and the fashion of courts is what accommodates 
them. 

D . Johnson was an Englishman; he compiled a dictionary of 
what he called the language of England, which has been re-printed 
in Philadelphia, and is the authority to which the " viarm federal- 
ists'' and British agents resort to for the meaning of words; he 
has given some strange ineanings for many words ; and it is neces- 
sary to guard against those meanings, because they are not appli- 
cable to ihe state of society in the United States — nor to the actual 
and reol import of many of them in their fair sense. 

That dictionary is no mote calculated for the free clime of 
Anidica than the free principles of the American government 
wo id sviit the ensanguined atmosphere of Algiers. 

Tlie meaning of many words in Johnson will do well enough in 
Britain ; but it must be kept in mind, that Johnson compiled his 
dictionary in poverty, and revised and altered the very meaning of 
the language, under the inttuence of a pension. — Ainericans, judge 
you, if it is calculated for 1776. 

But let us just give the reader some idea of this doctor Johnson ; 
the mechanics, as well as the farmers, will then be better able to 
value the meaning of words in the court dictionary. 

Doctor Johnson was first brought into notice during the war of 
our revolution, by his invetei'acy and rancorous enmity against 
every class of persons who maintained the doctrines of what was 
called whigism m England, who did not frecjuent the established 
church of England, paij tithes, and support bishops, and hold the 
doctrines of passive obedience to the lords anointed — and his con- 
stant fulmination against the American rebels, wns his passport to 
pourt favor and a pension. 

Though JohnsQii could write " when he set doggedly about it,'' 
he could not speechify ; notwithstanding which it was contemplated 
in spite of natitre itself for nature had forbidden Johnson from 



85 

being a afieaker, to introduce him into parliaments purposely that 
he might by vociferation in parliament against the ^'•American re" 
bclft^" reiterate his fuhninations from the press ; — but, however, it 
did not taiie place. 

Johnson, our vital religionists say, was nevertheless a good man 
—nay, he was 'd great., ^oorf man, a man oi hnvianity^ 

Tne following are specimens of his piety and humanity. 
Some men of feeling in Britain were once deploring in John- 
son's presence the miseries of the Jerseij prison shi/is, the cruelties 
practised at IVilkesbarre, Jiyomvig, and Faoli, and in general, the 
sufferings, ot the inhabitants of the United States, by the burn- 
ings at Fairfield, New London, Esopus, Stc. 

This great and good man interrupted them — " Sir, let me tell 
" you that these are but nvhipfmigs like children — I would have set 
" fire to, and burnt every town ; nay, every house on Vaeir coast — 
*' and roasted the rebels, men, women and children in the flames, 
*' for their rebellion." Aviiable moralist ! 1 ! 

Jersey prison ships, IVilkesbarre, Wyoming, Paoli, — only nvhip» 
pings I I 

Dr. Johnson was a. good man — they yet say. 
Did you ever read his dictionary ? 

You have now a specimen of his morals and politics — let us see 
him as an oracle of lexicography. 

Mechanics and farmers, read this with attention. 
Words, and their meanings, in Johnson's dictionary ; 
A Farmer — One who cultivates the land. 
Cultivator — One who iinpruves. 
Countryman — A rustic — one who inhabits the country, not a 

townsman — a farmer — a husbajidman. 
Husbandman — One who works in tillage. 
Tillage — The art oi' ploug/mig. 
Ploughman — A gross, ignorant rustic .' 
Rustic — One that lives in the country — a boor — rude, savage 

— brutal, untaught, a clovjn. 
Clown — Rustics—coarse, ill bred me7i — brutes. 
Farmers, what think you of these concluding definitions? Do 
they fit? Are they not better calculated for Britain than America? 
Mechanics, read this with attention. 

Laborer — One emjiloyed in coarse work. 

Artisan — A manufacturer, a low tradesman. 

Mechanic, "^ 

Handicraftsman, \Mean, servile — of meaii occitpation—-'a 

Tradesman, j manufacturer is a low workman. 

Manufacturer, J 

Vs.OFhK—J nation, (he vvLGAL,the commoi^alty — 7iot the princes 

or nobles. 
Vulgal — Plebian, common people. 
Plebian — The lower ranks of people. 
Gentry — A class of people above the vulgar. 
Gentlrbian — 4 man of birth, a man of extraction,, a man 
raised abonje the vulgar. 



86 

What a pltyDr. Johnson, or Dr. Johnson's ghost, had not just ■ 
condescended to step on earth, and inform us what he means by 
a mim of extraction : we have he?rd of an extracted tooth, or an 
extract from a book or a letter — but an extracted man is much 
too profound for our comprehension. 
But stop a moment. 
Here it is in Burros dictionarij. 

Burr and Johnson's dictionaries smell strong of St. James's. 
Burr's works — Men above the dull pursuits of civil life : 
Hosts of choice sjiirits : 
Corps oj ivorthies : 

Lives, honor and fortunes of himdreds of the best 
BLOOD of our country. 
Hundreds of the best blood of our country ! ! — Good God I 
Let us see what Johnson says of blood. 

Blood — Birth, high extraction, men above the vulgar. 
If we were to inquire for a person of good or ba^d birth — we 
should look to the accoucheur — but we could see something to pity 
in one case, and something to be pleased at in the other — but we 
could not discover any merit in the accident. 

Here is a true definition of all Burr's adherents. 
Well born, all of them — here they are ! 

Farmers and mechanics, what think you of these meanings ? To 
shew that they are 7iot yet proper meanings for these words in 
Amei'ica, however they may apply to Britain — it is necessary only 
to mention a few words, and the truth will arrest every mind. 
Johnson's dictionary has — 

Chkistians — Professing the religion of Christ. 
Take a Mahomedan dictionary — and it is — 

Christian; s — Infidel dogs, infidel dogs to be exterminated 
by the swords of true believers. 

Now, the Mahomedan definition of the word Christian would 
be just as proper for the latitude of Britain, as is Johnson'r; defini- 
tion of the words we have mentioned, for the latitude of the seven- 
teen United Stales. 

Johnson's definition of vulgar, and common people, and low 
tradesmen — takes in 

Fishermen and sailors, 
Carpenters and tailors, 
Porters and draymen, 
Laborers in Inisbandry, and otherwise, 
jiud, in fact, all but (as he describes it) princes or nobles. 
Here then be it known, that you American people are all vul- 
var — for you have neither nobles nor princes. 

We have asserted often, that the '■^ nvarmly federal" — we thank 
Mr. Barclay for the title — for we shall always, when saying " ivarm- 
hi federal" — mean something more than common fxhral — and the 
British hold a most contemptible idea, in speech, of these classes 
Johnson has, enumerated, — and is it to be wondered at ? 

These are the common meaning of these words in Britain ; nay, 
they are more, they are the reality of the words, and the poor yar- 
mirs and mechanics feel it to their cost. 



«7 

Many British, in emigrating here, bring thesfe absurd ideas with 
them, and our warm federalists here teach their children the same 
ideas from this British courtier's dictionary. From this the con- 
tempt of these men of extuaction 1 Men of extraction! — mercy 
on us, if only some of us would look back, or go into their garrets 
and look around for the scite of riiunble hovels — but they would not 
he a whit the better, and we must even take them, and laugh at 
their folly, as they are. 

To whom is Britain indebted for her high rank in society, for 
her trade, her manufactures, her ship building ? 

Jrl^ivright — who was the great ylrkivright, that invented the 
cotton machinery, which has quadi'upled the powers of industry 
in England, and substituted the fruits of his genius for the dila- 
pidations of the best blood of Britain ? An humble honest barber, 

Britain owes all her greatness to her mechanics. 

Aud yet, mechanics are lovj tradesmen-^thc vulgar. 

Who was IJ'att — and who Wedgwood — and w\\o Botdton? — Me- 
chanics ! Their history is a science, and their science will survive 
the nation which it might have preserved. 

Was it for this that the blood of Americans flowed for 7 years? 

To be reduced to this state, as desci'bed by Johnson. Farmers 
and mcchauics^ always count your numbers, keep the numbers re- 
gistered in eacli of your minds, and where will then be your op- 
pressors ? 

What are the numbers of the best blood? — Ask the surgeon bar- 
bers. 

Men of birtli — where are they ? Ask the midwives. 

What is the iieoplc? — look at the census — and there it is that 
we can approach and understand — it requires no doctor Johnson 
to explain that — and we give the president's late message as an il- 
lustration of the power and the securiu- of a free and virtuous peo- 
ple — the victories of Austerltiz and Jena fade before the triumph 
of a popular government, and a wise executive, over treason and 
conspiracy. 

The energies of the people in the Ohio, Kentucky, and Ten- 
nessee states, prove 'dxSiX.much of a standing army is not wanted. 

What were Burr's ideas of a standing army, and a standing navy ? 

These declarations speak pretty loudly — but sec the illustration. 
The vulgar — the peojtle — wiil he always ready to defend their 
liberties against those men of er^rr ;/.'-.;,■, th<ise men of birth — and 
best blood — those men above the dull pursuits of civil life. 

Let the state legislatuijcs but properly provide arms, and put 
theni in the hands of every citizen — and there will be no danger, 
nelher from foreign nor domestic traitors, leagued with foreigners. 

But, 7nen of America, the firess must be free also — or you perish. 

This is the greatest dread of tyrants, — dreaded worse than bay- 
onets, or balls, or infernal niac!)ines. 

What s'lys jxidge Workman, of Orlcaiss: 
■ ''• The rejiublican who possessed Jio-iVvr^ am: did nu: . o es- 

" tablish a despotism, was a fool." 

Farmers and jnechanics, did you ever read the 4uu.1vi.ui! ridge 
M'-Keati's lasi spsf-cb to the legislature of Pcnnsylvuni;! ? 



88 

Did that speech, respecting the press, savor of liberty or despot- 
ism ? ' 

" Establish a desfiotism," says Workman. 

«< Let the ^randjur^" present, and the judges suspenc' the press- 
es, says M'Kean. Two lines may run parallel to endle^:, space, 
and never touch — but they must not be crooked lines. 

What slaves the mechanics are in Britain, we will shew you, as 
a warning, in our next number. 



No. III. 



SEND for a bleeder ! 

Mechanics and Jar?ne7-s, hold out your arms. 

Don Yrujo, hold out you7- arm. 

Let Mr. Buckram, who has no pretensions, hold the basons. 

Shut your eyes and change the basons — which is the purest? 
Now doctor, whose is this or that blood, look here and tell us the 
difference. 

Why the blood which, is tiie least diseased! 

Well then, if the God of nature has not created any other differ- 
ence in the blood that fills our veins — what shall we say to it? 

Mechajiics imd farmers, sufler no other vain or artificial differ- 
ence or distinction to be set up — genius and virtue are not here- 
ditary. 

Yrujo is a Spanish Marquis, a Castilian, of high birth — extrac- 
tion — BLOOD. Yet we see this high blood is as capable of lonv 
shuffling tricks, as the boy that blacks his boots. 

For what was it that your forefathers fought — the high blood 
and extraction of Britain ? 

Was -it to generate other high blood in America ? No. It was 
to establish the rights of inan. 

Had birth, blood, extraction^ been the object, Britain could have 
found plenty at home. 

Hear what Cobbett says : 

Supporting the king, queen, and maiden Jirtncesses (bless the 
mark!) — costs the mechanics and farmers of Britain — 591,749 
pounds sterling per annum — or 2,629,959 dollars 1 ! ! 

Exclusive of other perquisites of royalty which amount to near- 
ly as much more. 

Say four millions for the whole. 

How are the other powerful branches of the hopeful and chaste 
family of Hanover provided for — and the sons, and their bloods of 
bastards, 

Duke of York, 26,000 pounds sterling 

Dutches of York, 4,000 do 

Duke of Clarence, 14,500 do 

Duke of Kent, V2J?J0 do 

Duke of Cninberland, 4,000 do 



39 

jbiike of S assex , 3 2,0QQ poands steriiug . 

Duke of Cambridge, 16,000 do 

rricce of Wates, 120.000 do 

Princesa Charlotte of Wiles, 6,000 do 

And iast year, 180(5 — furthei" allowances. 

Dutchess of York, 1^.33 pounds stcrliRg. 

Duke of Cluence, 4,'W do 

Duke of Kent, ^ i^.iO do 

Duke of Cuiiiberli-i ; ■J'.lCJ do 

Duke of Sussex, -4,000 do 

Dake of Cambridge, 4,U00 <!o 



Near 1,200,000 dollars!! i 

Exclusive of pay and other perquisites, such as sidmii'als who 
do not go to sea — of field mai-shals, who iiever gained a batf.ie — • 
•:vA of colonels of regiments, who never saw a shot fired in aui^er, 
! om which they did not run away. 

The'.r perquisites are, in amount, equal to the foregoing sUm» 

The royal king, queen, maiden princesses, have 4,000,fAX> 
The voyal sons, and nephews, and wives, 2,500,(XX) 



g OpOO.UOO 



Recollect this is exclusive of the pay of judges, ambassadors) 
kc. Sec. Sec. charged to the civil list. 

This is all spent on George III, and his progeny ! 

There's blood, birth and extraction — with a vaigrance 1 

ThQ poor rates of England and Wales alone are, even now that 
bread is at a lower rate than for several yeai'S past — 6,000,000 
poands sterling — near 30,000,000 of dollars' ! 

Here's bhod and birth, and extraction ! most amazing ! 

And these 30 millions are expended on this pampered and da- 
'70uring I'ace, while the poor mechanics and farmers of Britain are 
educed to poverty — to support such a set of vamjiirea and harpies. 

" Every mechanic and labourer," (says Cobbett) " having a fa- 
*• m.ily,is a pauper, and cannot possibly get even victuals to sustain 
i> liie." 

The diik': of Richmond, a descendant from a bastard of Cliar'es 
II. has >C "■25,000 sierling a year — 120,000 dollars — irom a tux on 
coals brought into the poi't of London — and v/nhcut any merit on 
the score of service, but being above the dull pursuits of civil life. 

By the l.\vf, the same Charles gave the !U)\v hc':t:ir:l constitution 
wliich Ojv.ncciif.ut now prides herself on — is not the ,'■ ..'r such as 
the tree ? 

Baetard libcriy, and bastard charity. 

So exactly would it be with the -mechan^'a jiud farmers of Ameri- 
ca, if they could ever think of submitting to hoie,s for nobility, or to 
consider mechanics and clodhofspers as terms conveying iustifiable 
reproach or dishonor. 

Had blood, birth, extraction been wanted, Britain could hav^ 
supplied rivers of them. 

* 12 



90 

But no, the revolution of America Was to establish the priVV- 
icges of human nature on the true basis of Christianity. 

The wulow's mite was of as much value as all the riches of the 
wealthy man. 

The sint^le lamb of the poor shepherd was of as much value as 
the flocks of the monopolist. "* 

Did the American revolution ever intend that because a man had 
not riches he was to be deprived of liberty also. 
That the rich man Avas to be his keeper. 

No, i-ather to establish in this new and favored world a new 
system different from the systems of the old. 

And if a mechanic unA farmer had no riches> then for that very 
reason he should not be deprived of liberty, and by being free to ac- 
gvire and to preserve his acquisitions, he should supfiort mid enjoy 
liberty. 

To enjoy the light of suffrage. 

Mechanics, farmers, support the liberty of the press, — 
And you will forever enjoy your rights. 

Once lend an hand to assist tijrants in their speeches against the 
liberty ot the press, — 

And that moment, some Burr, or some Workman will enslave 
you, as the mechanics and faj-rners of Britain are now registered. 

" Men above the dull pursuits of civil life," will make your 
tears, and the tears of your hungry children, the sweat of your 
bi-ows — support their idleness — if ever you listen to those who 
would league as Burr has done to raise men of blood, birth, extract 
tion. 

The great lord Camden, when speaking on the American revo- 
lution, asserted that resistance to tyranny — 
" Is to be justified by the laws of the land." 

If such were the ideas of Caiiiden on British rights, how much 
more, how doubly more have Americans sanctified that law ? 
How much more is it the law, the birth right of Americans ? 
When did Americans resist ? 

Why, when the rulers of Britain, the cabinet of St. James'!,, 
passed laws to deprive them of their liberty. 
Then it was that Americans resisted. 

And if legislatures, or congresses, or governors, were in Ame- 
rica to pass laws, enti'enching on the liberty of the citizen, because 
he had not riches — 

Then would resistance be lawful. 

The 'iuar?n federal pa/iers, the British agents, and sf^ies, av& COU:- 
tinually ridiculing the congress and legislatures of America. 
This m;iu, is nothing but -^x firmer. 
This man is nothing but a mechanic. 
That man is nothing but a manuficinrer. 

The quid papers last year were full of the most infamous de- 
traction. 

Snvdcr was ^farmrr. a ranner, a mechanic. 

As Jefferson s^id, in his inaugural speech, "has hearen sent an- 
gels in the shnpcof kings to govern mankind?"' 



^1 

Let the present state of Europe answer— so we Say — John 
Adams's stuuciing army was intended to reduce you to slaves—. 
hence the line of battle ships, eight per cent, loans, increase of 
fvaf'icd debt, fortifications, privileged orders — and internal taxes 
and excise. 

A proof that " warm federalism^' partook, like the angels of Eu- 
rope, in the shape of kings, of the views and designs which led to 
such recommendations for government. 

Mechanics and farmers — Britain by the list of taxes, which we 
have sliewn to you in former papers, and the effects in this num- 
ber, has lost a footing, which slie would have engaged but foi the 
revolution — to have entailed equal blessings on you — for this rea- 
son it was that Cobbet was employed — that Cullen is now employed 
— that almost all the papers in our sea ports arc directly or mdi- 
rectly in British pay. 

Britain seeks the destria;!on oj America, frovi revenge. 

British 7nerchants bring over British meanings to nvords, they at- 
tempt to engraft them on those American?, who are disposed to 
lord it over their fellow citizens. 

But will you suffer it? 

Once more, you, gentlemen — and once more, you, who are not 
gentlemen, but clodhoppers, look at those basons — here is No. T. 
— whose blood is this with the green and yellonv coagulum ? what a 
fiestiferous scent — it is a cluster of nodes and foul and filthy juices 
—fxaugh 1 

Look at the other bason — No. IL — clear, transparent as the ru- 
by, a gelid ichor surrounds it, and it floats in an element emble- 
matic of its purity — the eye is not offended nor is the nose averted 
from it. 

Which is which ? 

Speak physician ! — 

The physician is silent — but by his eye you may guess his 
meaning— he has been just prescribing mrrcia-y for No. I. — and his 
eye seems to say, we must not expose those by whom we live. 

The physician speaks plain enough for mechanics — whose phy- 
sic is rational labor, temperance and domestic love. 



No. IV. 

INTELLIGENT v/riters on political economy, or the prin- 
ciples of national wealth, have demonstrated, that the English go- 
vernment could not have sustained the burthen of its immense 
debts and enormous expenditures for thirty years past, had not 
Mf:cHANicAL GENIUS and INDUSTRY dcviscd means by which the 
labor of man could be multiplied to an incredible extent. This 
assertion is, indeed, demonstrable, by well established facts, in the 
application of machinery to the arts of the worker in iron, in 
■tvood, in cotton, in flax, in short, in every branch of art and mami- 
facture. Indeed, lord Lauderdale^ a very able and ingenious writer, 
has been led §o fair ijite adioiraiion of machinery^ by its effects^ as 



^2 

to conskler machinery as a new principle of national wealth, and 
separate iVom the principle of labor. The mistake is, however, 
very palpable on a consideration that machinery is itself a produc- 
tion of labor, and of mechanical rules of art ; and that, even in its 
most ]-jerfcct state, labor is necessary to its operation, as well to 
contrive and make, as to keep in order and put it in motion. Upon 
the same principle, the iron spade or hoe, would be considered 
as coming under a different principle from the wooden or the 
clumsy stone instruments of a rude state of society. 

The use of these remarks is, to shew that in monurchics, in 
oligarchies, or in aristocracies, those who are the main -strength of 
the nation are always depreciated, and, as much as can be done, 
dej T.'.uid. A Vfvy distinguished federal charactc:-, once a senator 
of the United States, said, the workinj^ people should be allowed so 
little for their labor as to reduce them to subsist on ''^potatoes and 
herri7igs;" and in 1797, 1798 and 1799 mechanics were proscribed 
and refused employment, who dared to hold a republican opinion. 
Some of the men proscribed in those days have, however, trucklen 
and become the instruments of a factious aristocracy ; and, by their 
blind and base desertion of principle, aftbrded too much encourage- 
ment for those who wished to make the mechanics as abject slaves 
as they are in other countries. 

We set out in this series of papers, with the purpose of exposing 
erroi'S and mistakes of a dangerous tendency to the nation. The 
example of England in the case of her mechanics, is, perhaps, as 
stupendous a monument of national slaverij as has existed from the 
earliesi epocha of time. The mechanics of America will remem- 
ber, that what is called the mercantile interest holds the all control- 
ing and all subduing influence of that nation. That speculation has 
enslaved industry. 

By an act passed in the British parliament, only in the last year, 
every laborer, artisan, tradesman, mechanic and mauufaclurer, who 
earns by daily or weekly wages, by himself, 'nis wife, or hii- chil- 
dren under age — 4 dollars and 30 cents per week — shall pay on oath 
' — for tlie support of that goveniment and its royal family — 5 per 
cent, from the sweat of his brow. 

Five dollars out of every 100 — o\\five cents out of every dollar. 

And this without any deduction for his extra expenses, of sick- 
ness, or the various other incidental expenses of human life! - 

Suppose he does not earn this migiity sum of 4 dollars and 30 
cents per week — (and there are hundreds and hundreds of thou- 
sands who do not) what then ? — Why then, American mechanics, 
hear and remember it, and remember the case of the- shoemakers — 

He is registered as a Slave! 

Let no falsifier or deceiver impose a doubt upon you as to the 
solemn truth of what we here state — no man of the least profes- 
sion to honesty will attempt it, because it is solemnly registered 
in the law of England — we copy it from an authentic book — 
Kearsley's tax tables for 1S06 — second edition — appendix, page 
189, rule XVII — section 4. 

" Labourers, artisans, handicraftsmen or tradesmen, mechanics, 
and manufacturers, &r daily or weekly wages — shall, in order to 



93 

be exempted from payment of the duties, produce to the commis' 
sioners a declaration signed by himself, with a certificate annex- 
ed to it by the master or employer in the following form : 

' I, A. B. do declare, that I exercise and follow the employ- 
jnent of a laborer in husbandry — or other work — [naming it] — or 
artisan, handicraftsman or mechanic in the trade of [naming it] for 
duuij or vjctkhj wages ; that 1 have not received in any one week 
within the year preceding, for my work or labor, any sum exceed- 
ing [name the sum] except in employment in husbandry in time 
of harvest, and that v/ithin the lime above mentioned I have worked 

for of and that I have not received v.-ithin the preceding 

year, any sum or sums of money from any source other than labor 
as aforesaid. So help me God.' 

Master's Certificate. 

' I, of — hereby certify, that the above signed was 

in my employ as a ; — for within the year preceding, 

and that the wages paid by me did not exceed the rate above men- 
tioned, and to the best of my belief, the matters contained in the 
above declaration are true as far as the same are within my know- 
lege. So help me God." 

The intent of these certificates is, that no mechanic shall dare to 
move a mile without the consent of the government, that they 
may know where to m.eet with him when wanted, to be sent to 
perish in the West Indies l)y the yellovv fever, in fighting the nvsr- 
cunXile battles of West Jiulia nabobs, 

Plere, American mechariics, is a specimen of the effects of the 
most stupendous fabric of human wisdom — of the checks and ba- 
lances, privileged orders, nobility holes, and order and regular go- 
vernment. 

But the mechariics o[ Riitain need not starve, said Dundas ; there 
is the army and navy, for them — and work house for their wives and 
children ! 1 ! 

In the English house of lords, in 1793, it was stated in debate, 
that one magistrate had attested, as soldiers, 12,000 mechanics, all 
of whose families were left behind; another lord said that a single 
magistrate in one town of Lancashire had attested 23,00p in one 
year. 

What has been the reason why the abolitionists in Britain could 
■not get forward with the abolition of the black slave trade in En- 
gland ? 

Wilberforce uniformly supported Pitt, in every measure which 
enslaved the mechanics and others in England. 

Well, after making a long speech, respecting the miseries of 
the blacks in the West Indies — 

Some shrenvd advocate for slavery answers him v,'ith this knock 
do'wn answer—- 

The slaves in the West Indies are better clothed., and better Jtd^ 
than the fioor^ and the mechanics, atid the laborers in Britain. 

Again, Wilberforce complains of the stowage in the middle pas- 
sage. What's the answer given ? Pray, Mr. Wilberforce, do just 
step out of the house into t'.c v,'oi"k house in your own pai'ish— 



94 

laot two minutes walk — you will there see— closer packing of poor 
Englishmen and women than of negroes in the middle passage. 
WiLberforce is dumb. Vital religion is put in a state of smfiemled 

am?natio7t. 

Every mechanic and laborer, says Cobbett, is a paufier — and 
CoBBETT speaks truth. 

One million of the unhappy population of Britain are perishing 
in the v. ork-houses, or famishing out of them — for every man who 
r^arns 430 cents must pay one fifth to ihe tax gatherer 1 

This is Jolm Mams's stupendous monument of human wisdom. 

This all comes from men of birth and extruc\\on» 

This all comes from (axes^ taxcH — These a.e among the glo- 
: ions consequences of cov.stltutionalfort:Jicaiio7is^ navies 1 

This comes from unn.ecessary standing armies ! 

This comes from the mechanic, ihc 7iianufacturer, or Xh^ laborer., 
being so stupiiied as to siifler himself to be trodden upon, and to 
believe that any man /..■ better than hintsclf who is not more viri/L-.ous. 

This comes from giving Avay to birth and extraction. 

Pray, which is of most consequence in society, Xht farmer, or the 
mechanic, or the sailor, or ship builder, Avho can turn to and earn 
their mw.vA any hour of the day ; 

Or the man who takes the room and place of a female ; and, 
whilst measuring out ribbons, or laces, or counting needles or pins, 
or sells these productions of industry by the invoice, or parcel, 
exclaims, 

" They are nothing but mere mechanics .'" 

At the close of the election before last, in this city, of the brother- 
hood, many of those 7nen of a good birth and extraordinary extrac' 
lion — were in high spirits ; they did not hesitate to assert openly, 
to this effect — " now we ■will inanage those jwrters, and draymen^ 
'' and the 7ncchanics — those men ea^ni too much — if they did not earn 
'' half as much it would be the better for, us." 

Mechanics, this is fact — and the case of the shoemakers is only 
another proof of the tendency of lazy luxm-y to enslave the men of 
ludustry who acquire their bread by labor. 

" We Avill take care to regulate the votings at the ensuing le- 
cisUiture," exclaimed another. 

" They do not vote nor receive half tlie pay in England that me- 
',Jianics do here," says a rav^r imported British emigrant — ^just land- 
ed, with his laiob full of self-sufficiency and contempt for all the 
world. 

'■' No, nor shall they have it here either long," says a " tomf* and 
" 'tiHunn federalist.'^ 

Farmei-s,7nechanics, laborers, all classes take care— suffer no man 
to trench on your right, your privilege of voting. 

Tnvo pence a pound 07i tea was the spring that set this new world 
in motion — but there are villainies practised every day ten thou- 
sand degrees more dangerous, and equally iniquitous. If you once 
give way, it is all over with you. 

The laborers in husbandry in Britain are as much sold, and as 
substantially slaves to the soil of their despots, as the population of 
Russi«i— If they earn more than 430 cents a week, five per cent. 



95 

must go to tlie government ; and if they wish to emigrate and g^ 
wher J they can earn more, the law forbids it, and they are liable 
to im .-usonment for attempting to be more happy ! 

Burr's couspii'acy gives to you a warning. ••' We are men above 
the dull pursuits of civil life," said Burr to Eaton. 

And how were those men of " birth and extraction" to be sup- 
ported ? Why, Judge Work^iiun tells you — ^' Establish a desjwtlsm." 
That is, make Cae farmers and mechanics toil for men above in- 
dustry and labor, as they do in Britain. 

Dr. Johnson's definition of words is the criterion of most En- 
glishmen — although there are some Englishmen who are as true 
to the principles of the revolution as if they had bled in the cause 
— but we speak of the general predominant sentiment and feeling 
of those who adhere to the tottering fabric. 

"\V' hat are the toasts and sentiments of the sons of St. George :' 
What are their private toasts at their tavern suppers ? 
The federalists} many of them, we do not mean the *' ivarmft'- 
deralists," call Burr a traitor. 

But he could not have established a more horrid or despotic 
government than that of Britain. 

Would he not have taken the register of this number as tire 
sround work for judge Workman's despotism ^ 
Then why do such men condemn Burr? 
Or is it only the name \ 
Burr is not George III. 

No man who is hankering after the British government, that 
stupendous monument of human wisdom, can consistently con- 
demn Burr — or call him a traitor. 

Farmers and mechanics^ be always cautious when you hear an ad- 
herent of Britain calling Burr a traitor. 

You see what was here intended for you. — You were to have 
been the registered slaves of men of birth and extraction — above 
the dull pursuits of civil life — or, as Mr. Barclay would have it, 
♦' warmly federal." 

Burr's plans are foiled — be you then on the watch-— watch your 
privileges — guard against men who would wean you from your 
free institutions. 

Watch every encroachment on the price of ^-our labor. 
Tell them yo'_. are entitled to independence aswell as themselves. 
Ask, in your minds, who are they in America, with so many hun- 
dreds of millions of acres of lands, that can bebt do without each 
other — farnurs and mechanics — or merchants ? 

Watch every attempt to contract your privilege of election— for if 
was intended. M'Kean has not only undertaktai to set the will of 
the majority at naught, but to appoint a commiss'on of bis own crea- 
tures to set aside the majority of your suffrages I 

Burr, Workjnan, and the daily speeches you hear, give you no- 
tice — the farmers of the west, by their breath (k\ a signal from the 
executive have annihilated a daring treason. / 

If you once give but the least way or opeying to men without 
anymorcrand often not equal merit, who aifect to be your sup-. 
iiQ^') steh by -stefi'^yow will be completely enslaved. 



9(>- 
No.V. 

THIS number will be a brief abstract of the effects of that go- 
veiTiment whence so many of our misfortunes are derived, by the 
blind and servile adherence to their institutions in /«w, policij and 
commeixe. It is by their fruits you shall know them, says the pro- 
verb. What is the only source and virtuous purpose of society ? Is 
it not the happiness of all, or the greatest portion of the individuals 
that constitute the society ? By their fruits you shall know thfem. 

From the Norman conquest in 1056, to this year, 1807, a space of 
741 years, (and the war is not yet ended) England has been involved 
in the foilcwing wars : 

Civil wars, for the choice of tyrants, 7 

With Scotland, for conquest, 1 ! 

With Ireland, for conquest, 19 

With France, for conquest and power, 24 

With Spain, for power and plunder, 9 

With Denmark, for power, 2 

With Holland, for commerce, plunder, and 

for dependence, 4 

With Prussia, for Hanover, 2 

With Sweden, fcr Bremen and Vcrden, 1 

With America, for enslavement, 1 

With Austria, insidious and secret in 1807, in 

Belgium, I 

With Algiers, 1 

Wars, 82 

In which period there have been the ibilowing intervals of peace 

22 8 — 6—8 — 19 — 27 — 4—5—8 — 21 — 15 — 10 — 8 — 15 — 1 — 3 

2 6—20—13—6 — 1 — 1 — 15 — 5 — 5 — 28 — 8 — 12 — 9 — 1 — mak- 
ing in the whole period — 

Of war, 428 years — Of peace, 313 Total, 741 years. 

Of the lives lost; The misery created; The wives widowed; 
The orphans made ; The aged starved ; The town* and countries 
desolated ; — The powers of calculation and imagination combined 
can form no accurate nor adequate conception. 

The money spent, and the debts created, are ascertainable — ^but 
what is wealth ? — What are the guady trappings, and the frippery 
of luxurious idleness, put into competition with that serene secu- 
rity and comfort — that domestic bliss, that solace of all solaces, 
which surround the peaceful fireside of the American farmer — 
and to which all other nations are comparatively strangers. Ame- 
ricans, guard against foreign influence — be content with your own 
resources of happiness — and be it your daily study to guard against 
those systems of policy and lav/ which have been productive of so 
much nii'iery to the world. 

THE FND, 



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